extracted text

WAR Of
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FIRST SERIES,

CONTAINING A FULL AND DETAILED NARRATIVE
OF TICE
OPERATIONS OF THE

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BY

MAJOR RICHARDSON, K. S. F.
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1842
Facsimile of the title page of the original edition.

1—

DEDICATION
---4110 • 111110--

" Entered according to Act of the Provincial Legislature, in
" the year 1842, by MAJOR RICHARDSON, K. S. F., in the Office
"of the Registrar of the Province of Canada."

To the present United Legislature of Canada,in whomhas origi_
nated, and by whom has been carried into partial operation, one of
the most beneficent measures which can be conferred upon a young
country—that of a salutary provision for Education—this Historical
Narrative, the first of an important series,(the completion of which
must depend upon the countenance and support extended to the cornmencement)and compiled with a view to the furtherance of their
object, Is Dedicated,
By Their Very Obedient,
And Humble Servant,
The AUTHOR.

PREFACE

ix

In preparing this first of a series of Historical Narratives for the use of Schools in Canada, the Author has
been influenced by considerations, which he conceives will,
more or less, govern the minds of those to whom the
Education of the youth of the country is entrusted.
It is a humiliating, yet undeniable fact, that there are
few young men of the present generation who are at all
aware, except by vague and inaccurate report, of the brilliant feats of arms, and sterling loyalty displayed by their
immediate progenitors, during the stern but brief struggle
with the neighboring Republic, wherein numbers were
fearfully against them, but in which, supported by true
courage, and the consciousness of a good cause, they rode
triumphant over every obstacle, and came forth unconquered from the strife. Or, if they have read of these
matters, their information has been derived through the
corrupt channel of American party publications bearing
on the subject, all which have a tendency to pervert
facts, and to instil into the youthful mind that diffidence
and mistrust which operate as a check upon the generous
aspirings, and weaken the energies of the national character.
Recovering as this country is, at this moment, from the
severe shock which, although but of temporary duration,
has deeply tested its general attachment and fealty to the
British throne, and lapsing into that state of tranquillity

2

PREFACE

from which it never should have departed, it will without
difficulty be conceded that no compilation could, with
greater propriety or consistency, be placed in the hands
of Canadian students, than that which records the gallant
deeds performed by their Fathers, fighting side by side,
with the troops of England in defence of their invaded
firesides : when, actuated by a devoted spirit of loyalty,
and a generosity of emulation never exceeded, they won
golden opinions from their Sovereign, and stood boldly
forth in the hour of the country's greatest need—nor,
although. the youth of Western Canada have the greatest
reason to feel pride in this fact, should it fail to be a
source of satisfaction to the French Canadian pupil,wliose
Sire was, at the epoch treated of in the following narrative, ever forward in the demonstration of his attachment
to British Institutions, and unwavering in his resolution
to defend them with his life. These were, indeed, happy
and well-remembered days, when but one sentiment actuated the French and English races, who were knit together in one common bond of good fellowship, and knew
rivalry only in their desire to tender to the parent, who
had cherished and nursed them, the grateful evidence of
their love. This is no over-charged picture of the feeling
which then existed in the Canadas, and on the direction
given to the minds of its youth of the present day, French
and English, must depend its utter extinction or revival.
In adopting the familiar style of the narrative, the
Author has had two distinct inducements in view—firstly,
because that species of composition relieves history of the
dryness which is so great a barrier to interest with the
student ; and secondly, because, in identifying himself with
his subject, the reader is necessarily led to do the same.
There are few Canadian youths who will fail to be inspired
by a generous spirit of emulation, as they bear vividly
before them the fact that the Author whom they are perusing, and who has writtejoior their instruction and infor-

PREFACE

3

oration, was even himself a student I when summoned by
the trumpet of War, from a perusal of the military exploits
of the most renowned warriors of by-gone days, to range
himself in the next hour under the victorious banner of a
modern Chief not less daring, and scarcely less celebrated
than any of those and to defend, with his feeble yet willing
arm, the soil which gave him birth, and the Standard to
which he owed allegiance.
That the lot which was the Author's may be that of
the Reader, is a reflection which can never be lost sight
of by the generous of character whose rallying cry, whenever domestic rebellion or foreign invasion stalk throughout the land their Sires have consecrated to England with,
their blood, will assuredly ever be " Aut vincere aut
mori." The past has pledged, the future will redeem
the bond.
I had first breathed the breath of life near the then almost isolat
ed Falls of Niagara—the loud roaring of whose cataract had, per
haps, been the earnest of the storms—and they have been many—
which were to assail my after life. My subsequent boyhood, up
to the moment, when at fifteen years of age, I became a soldier,
had been passed in a small town (Amherstburg), one of the most
remote, while, at the same time, one of the most beautifully situated in Canada. I had always detested school, and the days that
were passed in it were to me days of suffering, such as the boy
alone can understand. With the reputation for some little capacity, I had been oftener flogged than the greatest dunce in it, perhaps as much from the caprice of my tutor as from any actual
wrong in myself—and this had so seared my heart—given me such
a disgust for Virgil, Horace, and Euclid, that I often meditated
running away, and certainly should have gratified the very laudable inclination, had I not apprehended a severity from my father
—a stern, unbending man, that would have left me no room for
exultation at my escape from my tutor. It was, therefore, a day
of rejoicing to me when the commencement of hostilities on the
part of the United States, and the unexpected appearance of a large
body of their troops, proved the signal of the " break
u
p" of the
school, or college, (for by the latter classical name was known the
long, low, narrow, stone building, with two apologies for wings
springing at right angles from the body), and my exchange of
Csar's Commentaries for the King's Regulations and Dundas.
The transition was indeed glorious, and in my joy at the change
which had been wrought in my position, I felt disposed to bless

-

-

the Americans for the bold step they had taken.
Eight Years in Canada, by Major Richardson, p. 87.

OPERATIONS.
OF THE

RIGHT DIVISION
OF THE

ARMY OF UPPER CANADA
DURING THE

AMERICAN WAR
OF 1812

&c., &c.,

&c.

I
INDIANS IN BRITISH WARS—RIOTS OF THE
WAR-HAWKS"

Much has been said and written in respect to the Redmen of the forest ; but I do not recollect having ever met
with a detail sufficiently accurate to convey a just idea of
the character of these people. As they will occupy a tolerable portion of my attention, and frequently appear
under circumstances which may incline the reader to incredulity, I will merely observe, that no one incident will
be found committed to these pages, which may not be
attested by every officer who served with the Right
. Division of the Canadian army. In fact, to that division
alone were the more savage of the Indian race attached ;
and when it is considered, that among the warriors of at
" War-hawks " was a name given to a portion of the Republican
party that clamored for war against Great Britain. Madison secured his second nomination for the Presidency by agreeing to
their demands, The principal leaders of the war party
were Henry Clay of Kentucky, Felix Grundy of Tennessee,
Langdon Cheves, William Lowndes and John C. Calhoun of
South Carolina, and Peter B. Porter of New York, having seats in
the House of Representatives and William H. Crawford, in the
Senate.
See The United States, an Outline of Political History
by Goldwin Smith, D.C.L., p. 170.
5

6

EFFORTS TO CONTROL INDIANS

INDIANS IN BRITISH WARS

least twenty different tribes, there were those who had
scarcely ever any previous intercourse with whites, and
had seldom approached a fortified place but in open hostility, the indomitableness of their natures will cease to
excite surprise. As it is my intention to give a faithful
account of the various cruelties committed during our
struggle in Canada—cruelties we had not power to prevent, since perpetrated by an ally over whom we had no
control—it may not be improper to advert to the motives
for their employment. The Americans have invariably
been loud in their condemnation of a measure which
alone secured to us the possession of Upper Canada : with
how little reason, however, will appear from the wellknown fact, that every possible exertion was used, by the
agents of their Government, to detach the Indians from
our cause. Embracing the system adopted and followed
by England for years, presents of all descriptions were
issued to the warriors ; while, in the council, the most
flattering promises were made, the most seducing offers
held forth, to induce them to make common cause with
the invader. The wary chieftains, however, were not to
be tempted by professions of friendship from those whose
perfidy had long been proverbial with the Indian race.
The bounties of England had been heaped on them with
no sparing hand—the faith of the Government had never
been violated—no spirit of interest or domination had
chased them from the homes of their forefathers—the
calumet of peace had never once been dashed from the
lips of those they were called on to abandon ; and they
remained true to the faith they had pledged, staunch to
the cause in which they had embarked. The natives
must have been our friends or our foes : had we not
employed them the Americans would ; and although
humanity may deplore the necessity imposed by the very
invader himself, of counting them among our allies, and
combating at their side,—the law of self-preservation was
our guide, and scrupulous indeed must be the power that

7

would have hesitated at such a moment in its choice.
The act of aggression was not ours—we declared no war ,
against America—we levied no armies to invade her soil,
and carry desolation wherever they came :—but we
availed ourselves of that right, common to every weak
power—the right of repelling acts of aggression by every
means within our reach. Yet though it is admitted that
the Indians, while our allies, were in some instances
guilty of those atrocities peculiar to every savage people ;
let it not be supposed that these atrocities were sanctioned either by the Government or by individuals. On
the contrary, every possible means were tried by the
officer commanding at Amherstburg, and Colonel Elliott, z
superintendent of Indian affairs for that post, to soften
down the warlike habits of the natives. The most likely
method of preventing the unnecessary effusion of blood

r

Col. Matthew Elliott, Deputy Superintendent of Indian Affairs,
whose name is inseparably associated with the events on the Detroit frontier from 1775 till his death on the 7th May 1814, entered the Indian Department as a captain. The influence that
Britain exercised over the Indians was in a great measure due to
his prudence, tact and firmness. Many of the hardships incident
to a border warfare were much ameliorated by the power this officer possessed over the wildest and most savage tribes. The
treacherous murder of his eldest son, a promising young lawyer,
by some American Indians, his prisoners, was a sad blow to the
Colonel. His humanity was well-known and Gen. Harrison bears
testimony to his efforts to prevent the slaughter of American
prisoners.
When he removed to Upper Canada he built a large house,
still standing in part, on the Detroit river opposite the southern end of Bois Blanc island. This point is still called Elliott's
Point.
Col. Elliott was exceedingly active during the first years of the
war. On the evacuation of Amherstburg, he retreated with Procter to Moraviantown, and it is said he saved Procter's life there by
throwing up the rifle of Tecumseh, who was going to shoot Procter
for his contemplated retreat before the battle was decided. In this
engagement, had he been less intent on his public duties,
he might have saved both his personal baggage and his valuable
plate which were captured by the Americans. The hardships of
the trying campaign of 1813 told heavily upon him at his advanced age and hastened his death. He was M.P.P. for Essex
from 1801 to 1812.
Frederick E. Elliott, the present representative of the family,
lives on part of the land grant given to his grandfather for his services.

8

RIOTS AT BALTIMORE

INDIANS IN BRITISH WARS

the Administration, and completed by French Democracy.
Our blood stagnates with cold horror at the enormity of
the scenes ; while our indignation is roused at the passive,
and therefore encouraging deportment of the Police ; and
our grief is deep and most painful from the loss of the
eminent, the patriotic and the worthy characters who have
fallen a sacrifice to the fury of the friends of War, and
upholders of the Administration.
Baltimore, July 2 9th , 1812.
" The peace of our city has been again disturbed by the
mob, the effects of which have been dreadful. On Monday morning, the ' Federal Republican ' was again issued
from the press in this city. Mr. Hanson, one of the Editors, expecting an attack, had collected his friends in the
New office (which is a brick house in Charles Street) to
the number of from 5o to 75, completely armed with muskets, pistols, daggers, etc., determined to defend the house
at all hazards. The mob collected and commenced the
attack between 9 and to o'clock in the evening, by breaking all the windows with brick-bats ; and attempting to

was that of offering rewards for prisoners. This, however, except in a very few instances, was found to be
ineffectual ; for the character and disposition of the
savage were not to be tamed by rewards, nor the impression of ages to be removed by such temptations. To
have employed force, would have been to have turned
their weapons against ourselves ; and a body of five hundred troops, composing the utmost strength of the garrison, could have effected little against three thousand
fiery warriors, unused to restraint, and acknowledging
no power but their own will. The Americans themselves
had Indians employed in their service—a few only it is
true—but if they had not more, it was not owing to any
want of exertion on their parts ; and if it is admitted on
the one hand, that they conducted themselves with more
humanity, it cannot at the same time be denied on the
other, that the feebleness of their numbers rendered them
more immediately subject to the authority of the American commanders, neither can it be disputed, that compulsion alone bound them to the adverse cause, their
families having been often detained as hostages to answer
for their fidelity.
On the 18th of June, 1812, a formal declaration of war
against Great Britain and her dependencies was passed
by both Houses of Congress,' and approved by Mr. Madison, the President—on the 2oth it was officially notified
by General Bloomfield to the American army, and in what
spirit received by the war-party may be inferred from the
following account which appeared in the American papers
of that period.

Great Britain was as follows :—
IN HOLSE OF
REPRESENTATIVES

The majority for war was 30 in the House of Representatives
and but 6 in the Senate. The country divided almost geographically on the question. The vote on the Act declaring war with

I

IN SENATE

Yeas..Nays. Yeas. Nays.

,

Gazette Office, Boston, August 2nd, 1812.
This morning's mail gives us a few particulars of a most
barbarous riot in Baltimore, instigated by the friends, of

9

New Hampshire ........................................
Massachusetts ..
Rhode Island .....
Connecticut ........
Vermont ...........
New York.... ..
New Jersey
.,
Pennsylvania. ....
Delaware ..........
Maryland .............
Virginia ...............
North Carolina ...
South Carolina ...
Georgia
Kentucky
Tennessee ..........
Ohio. ....................................
Majority for war

3
6

0
0

3
3
2
16
0
6
14
6
8
3
5.
.3
1

79
30

2

2
7
1
11
4
2

3

0

1
1

0
0

1
1.

1
2 .
0
1
2
2
2
2
1
2

2
2

0

1
1

0

2
I
0

0`

0
1

0

0

19
6

13

F!
IO

RIOTS OF THE " WAR-HAWKS "

force the door. The Garrison, after warning them of the
consequences, fired a few rounds of blank cartridges,
which had no other effect than to exasperate them. They
then commenced firing with ball and slugs. Two or three
were killed, and numbers were desperately wounded. The
mob then retreated, and marched to Fell's Point and procured a cannon, with which they returned about 2 o'clock
in the morning. The piece was loaded, and placed before
the house ; but through some defect in the management
of the gun they could not get her to go off. Partial attacks
were in this way kept up until morning when the garrison,
seeing no practicability of being rescued by the civil authority, found means to escape privately : all except about
25 who were determined to hold out. About 7 in the
morning the Mayor of the City, and General Stricker,
having collected a force of horse and infantry, amounting
in all to about one hundred men, marched them to the
scene of action, and paraded them in front of the house,
but took no pains to disperse the mob by which they
were surrounded. The small band of heroes who still
garrisoned the house, now offered to give themselves up
to the Mayor and General Stricker, if they would promise
to protect them from the mob. This was acceded to by
the Mayor and the General, who gave them their word of
honor that they should have ample protection from all
harm. They were accordingly taken from the house, surrounded by the military, who formed a hollow square, and
in this manner marched to the City prison, where they were
lodged and left without any guard, the troops being immediately dispersed, notwithstanding they were followed
by try mob (often pelting them with brick-bats and paving-stones) and swearing that the prison should not protect the damned Tories, but that they should all be killed
in 24 hours. At noon verbal orders were issued for the
5th Regiment of Infantry to turn out at 3 o'clock, P.M.,
and after the utmost exertions of some spirited officers, at
4 o'clock but about 3o or 40 men were collected ; they
continued under arms about an hour, when orders came
from the Mayor, as the mob had dispersed, to dismiss
them. About 8 o'clock in the evening the mob again collected, attacked the prison, and forced the outer door,
when the Sheriff it is said delivered them the keys of the
inner apartments, which they opened, and brought the unfortunate men out two at a time, and beat them with clubs

KINDLY FEELING IN THE NORTH

II

until they thought them dead—one they carried away,
tarred and feathered him, beat him until he was almost
dead; pricked him with sharp irons, and carded him with
a wool-card. At io o'clock I saw five lying in front of the
prison apparently lifeless, while these horrid savages were
prowling over them, and exulting in their worse than
savage barbarity ; it was indeed a horrid sight, and it
makes my blood boil when I think of it.
" I am informed this morning, that there is but one
actually dead, that some can live but a few hours, and
the lives of the greatest part are despaired of. They were
secured, I am told, by meritorious exertions of the doctor
who persuaded the butchers that they were dead, and had
them conveyed away in carriages, as fast as they could
get them out of their hands. The one who is ascertained
to have been killed was General Lingau, an old Revolutionary Officer. General S. Lee of Virginia was also
among them ; the rest were chiefly young men whose
connections were the most respectable in the City. The
inhabitants are in the utmost consternation : all business
is suspended : people collect in small groups in the streets,
with a settled gloom upon their countenances, and every
man looks with suspicion on his neighbor, for no man
thinks himself safe whose political creed does not agree
with that of the mob ; lest that an unguarded expression
may subject him to their fury. The number stated to
have been massacred in the gaol exceeds twenty, and
among these are Captains Murray and Lingau of the
United States army."
Such is the picture drawn of American feeling on the
occasion, by an American himself. Let me place in
relief to it kindlier relations which existed at that period
along the border, as exhibited in a letter dated
Niagara, (American side) June 28th.
" The news of war reached the British at Niagara)
Fort George the 24th by express, two days before it was
received at our military station. General Brock, the
British Governor, arrived at Fort George the 25th.
Several American Gentlemen were there on a visit, who
were treated very politely by the Governor, and sent
under the protection of Captain Glegg, his aid, to Fort
Niagara with a flag. The news of war was very unwelcome on both sides of the river. They have been for six
,

RIOTS ' OF THE " WAR-HAWKS"

12

years in habits of friendly intercourse, connected by marriages and various relationships. Both sides were in consternation ; the women and children were out on the
banks of the river, while their Fathers, husbands, sons,
etc., were busily employed in arming. It was said
Captain Glegg also bore a summons for the surrender of
Fort Niagara, but this was contradicted by Captain
Leonard commanding that post, who said the message
was merely to inquire if he had any official notice of the
war ; and that he answered in the negative."
A more remarkable illustration of this feeling is the following
Answer of the Men of New York Inhabiting the Western District,
to the proclamation of Gen. Smyth addressed to them :
GENERAL. We have seen your Proclamation. We have seen
this Country, not many years ago, the sole habitation of the beasts
of the forest and their prowling Enemy. We see it the habitation
of many thousand souls, rich in all the necessaries and in many
of the comforts of life. Till the day that the sound of war burst
on our ears from the Capitol at Washington, we scarcely experienced one moment of anxiety for the safety of our persons and
property.
The clamor of avaricious traders, and of factious office-seekers
trouble not our quiet. It reached us, but at the period of the elections, and it was then but like a blast of wind on our lakes, variegating but for a moment the placid uniformity of the surface.
Why should our Swords be drawn in redress of injuries which
we have never felt, or which, if they exist, am beyond our reach ?
Why appeal to our valor for the destruction of our own happiness
or of that of others?
We are the descendants of the men that fought at Bennington
and at Saratoga. The labors of the field are proof, alike, against
degeneracy, and the rage of contending factions. You, General,
have been more exposed to their influence. The men who fought
at Bennington and Saratoga fought for the liberties of their Country. Foreign Mercenaries had set foot upon the soil which their
hands had redeemed from the desert and rendered fertile ; they
had entered the sanctuaries of their wives and children. Our
Fathers fought and conquered. You, General, who are taking the
place of these mercenaries, you cannot appeal to us.
The renown which you seek is not our renown. It is the renown
of Europ.not of America. The wrath of God precedes it, and
desolation follows in its footsteps. It delights in blood, and in
fields strewn with carnage, in the tears of the widow, and the
plainings of the orphan perishing of want and disease. This is
your glory. Ours has upon it the primeval blessing of the Almighty ; our Victories are Victories over the unproductive face Qf
nature ; our renown is in fertile fields, in peaceful homes and
numerous and happy families.
Go, General, if you will. Should you ever reach the Walls of
Quebec, the shade of Montgomery will reproach you for not having profited by his example ; and when you fall, the men of New
York will lament that folly has found new victims.
—

II
HULL'S INVASION

—

CAPTURE OF MICHILIMACKINAC

The garrison of Amherstburg, at the commencement of
the war, consisted of about zoo men of the first battalion
of the 41st Regiment, a very weak detachment of the
Royal Newfoundland Fencibles, and a subaltern's command of artillery. Situated at the head of Lake Erie,
and forming the key to our relations with the Western
Indians, this post became an object of additional interest
to the enemy. With every opportunity of ascertaining
the weakness of its defences, and the almost utter impossibility of its obtaining supplies, the fall of Amherstburg
was looked forward to by the Americans, as an event
which admitted not of doubt. With this view, the
division under General Hull, consisting of two thousand
three hundred men, had been urged forward with all possible despatch to Detroit, at a distance of eighteen miles
beyond Amherstburg, an attack on which latter place
was immediately contemplated. Having collected his
boats, and made every other necessary preparation, the
American General, on the 7th of July, = landed three
miles above Sandwich, a small town nearly opposite to
Detroit, and within view of a corps of observation, which,
in conformity with its instructions, retired on his
approach. Colonel St. George, Inspecting Field officer,
and then commanding at Amherstburg, with that spirit
and activity by which he was distinguished throughout
•
I This date should be 12th of July. Every authority that I have
seen places it on this date. Anthony S. Baker in a despatch to
Lord Castlereagh dated Washington, August 1st, 1812, says :
" General Hull entered Canada on the night of the 11th ult."
It is probable that the landing was on the night of 11th and
morning of the 12th.
13

14

HULL'S INVASION

the war, made every judicious disposition for his reception. The militia were called out, and, through the
exertions of the various agents of their department, a
body of 600 Indians was soon collected. At a distance of
eight miles from Amherstburg, and traversing the high
road, is the Canard River, which empties itself into that
of the Detroit, and is impassable even by cavalry. Over
this, and near its mouth, a bridge composed entirely of
timber had been constructed. Seizing at once the advantage of this position, and determining to profit by the
delay the enemy must consequently experience, Colonel
St. George instantly caused the bridge to be destroyed,
and a body of marksmen to be posted among the long
grass and weeds with which the banks of the river are
covered, for the purpose of annoying such of the enemy
as appeared for its reconstruction. The Queen Charlotte,
a vessel of twenty guns, was at the same time anchored
at the mouth of the river, for the purpose of keeping
them more effectually in check.
Meanwhile, General Hull amused himself and his enemy
by the following piece of rhodomontade, in the shape
of a
PROCLAMATION.

Inhabitants of Canada !
After thirty years of peace and prosperity, the United,
States have been driven to arms. The injuries, and aggressions, the insults and indignities of Great Britain, have
once more left them no alternative but manly resistance
or unconditional submission. The army under my command has invaded your country, and the standard of Union
now waves over the territory of Canada. To the peaceable, unoffending inhabitant, it brings neither danger nor
difficulty. I come to find enemies, not to make them. 'I
come to protect, not to injure you.
Separated by an immense ocean, and an extensive wil' derness from Great Britain, you have no participation in,
her councils, no interest in her conduct—you have felt her

HULL'S PROCLAMATION

Is

tyranny, you have seen her injustice ;'but I do not ask you
to avenge the one, or redress the other. The United
States are sufficiently powerful to afford you every security
consistent with their rights and your expectations. I
tender you the invaluable blessings of civil, political and
religious liberty, and their necessary result, individual and
general prosperity—that liberty which gave decision to
our councils and energy to our conduct, in a struggle for
independence, and which conducted us safely and triumphantly through the stormy period of the revolution—that
liberty which has raised us to an elevated rank among the
nations of the world, and which has afforded us a greater
measure of peace, and security, of wealth and improvement, than ever fell to the lot of any country.
In the name of my country, and by the authority of
Government I promise you protection to your persons,
property and rights. Remain at your homes ; pursue
your peaceful and customary avocations, raise not your
hands against your brethren. Many of your fathers
fought for the freedom and independence we now enjoy.
Being children, therefore, of the same family with us, and
heirs to the same heritage, the arrival of an army of
friends must be hailed by you with a cordial welcome.
You will be emancipated from tyranny and oppression,
and restored to the dignified station of freemen. Had I
any doubt of eventual success, I might ask your assistance, but I do not. I come prepared for every contingency
—I have a force which will look down all opposition, and
that force is but the vanguard of a- much greater. If
contrary to your own interests and the just expectations
of my country, you should take part in the approaching
contest, you will be considered and treated as enemies,
and the horrors and calamities of war will stalk before
you. If the barbarous and savage policy of Great Britain
be pursued, and the savages let loose to murder our citizens, and butcher our women and children, this war will
be a war of extermination. The first stroke of the tomahawk, the first attempt with the scalping knife, will be
the signal of one indiscriminate scene of desolation ! No
while man found fighting by the side of an Indian will be
taken prisoner ,. instant destruction will be his lot.
If the
dictates of reason, duty, justice and humanity cannot
prevent the employment of a force which respects no right,
and knows no wrong, it will be prevented by a severe

6

HULL'S INVASION

and relentless system of retaliation. I doubt not your
courage and firmness—I will (not) doubt your attachment to liberty. If you tender your services voluntarily,
they will be accepted readily. The United States offer
you peace, liberty and security—your choice lies between
these, and war, slavery and destruction. Choose then,
but choose wisely ; and may He, who knows the justice
of our cause, and who holds in His hand the fate of
nations, guide you to a result the most compatible with
your rights and interest, your peace and happiness.
W. HULL.
By the General,
H.Q. Sandwich,
A. P. Hu11,2
July 8th,' 1812.
Captain of 13th U.S. Regt.
of Infantry & Aid de Camp.
As every thing relating to General Brock is, or ought to
be, of undying interest to the people of Canada, the
counter proclamation, issued by that officer, on receipt of
intelligence of the course which was being pursued by
This proclamation is found in several documentary histories of
the war, and all differ in several minor particulars, such as capitalization and punctuation, but the sense of all, however, is the
same. The author was, no doubt, Gen. Hull, but after his death the
authorship was claimed for Gen. Cass. Hull's grandson. James
Freeman Clarke, in his History of the Campaign of 1812, says :
" Whenever the proclamation is condemned, Gen. Hull is treated
as the author—when it is praised it is said to have been written by
Gen. Cass." Anyone acquainted with the various accounts must
come to the same conclusion. A copy was sent to Washington
and approved by the President ; but the American Commissioners
at the Treaty of Ghent declared the proclamation to have been unauthorized and disapproved by the Government. The date has
been given as the 12th and as the 13th of July. Hull in his memoirs
says the 12th, so does Brannan in his Military and Naval Letters,
while the copy from the Archives of Canada given in Vol. 15 of the
Michigan Historical Collections is dated the 13th. The date given
by Richardson is certainly not correct.
2 The Aid to Gen. Hull and the signer of this proclamation was
his son, Abraham Fuller Hull. The second initial is a misprint
that appears in several copies of the proclamation. A. F. Hull
was a captain in the 13th U.S. Infantry, taken prisoner with the
army at Detroit, Aug. 16th, 1812, and exchanged on Jan. 18th,
1813. He was given a company in the 9th U.S. Infantry, and was
killed at its head at the battle of Lundy's Lane on July 25th,
1814. A small stone marks his grave in Lundy's Lane graveyard.

BROCK' S PROCLAMATION

17

General Hull, cannot be more appropriately introduced
than at this point of the narrative. It is a striking specimen of manly eloquence, and firmness, and compared
with that which precedes it, is as sterling gold to tinsel.
Both proclamations, as will be seen hereafter, are singularly characteristic of the men who framed them.
PROCLAMATION.
The unprovoked declaration of War, by the United
States of America, against the United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Ireland and its dependencies has been followed by the actual invasion of this Province, in a remote
frontier of the Western District, by a detachment of the
armed force of the United States. The Officer Commanding that detachment has thought proper to invite His
Majesty's subjects, not merely to a quiet and unresisting
submission, but insults them with a call to seek voluntarily
the protection of his Government. Without condescending to repeat the illiberal epithets bestowed in this appeal
of the American Commander to the people of Upper
Canada, on the administration of His Majesty, every in' habitant of the Province is desired to seek the confutation
of such indecent slander, in the review of his own particular circumstances ; where is the Canadian subject
who can truly affirm to himself that he has been injured
by the Government in his person, his liberty, or his
property ? Where is to be found in any part of the
world, a growth so rapid in wealth and prosperity, as this
colony exhibits ? Settled not thirty years by a band of
veterans, exiled from their former possessions on account
of their loyalty, not a descendant of these brave people is
to be found, who, under the fostering liberality of their
Sovereign, has not acquired a property and means of
enjoyment superior to what were possessed by their ancestors. This unequalled prosperity could not have been
attained by the utmost liberality of the Government or
the persevering industry of the people, had not the maritime power of the mother country secured to its colonies
a safe access to every market where the produce of their
labor was in demand
The unavoidable and immediate consequence of a separation from Great Britain must be the loss of this
inestimable advantage ; and what is offered you in

18

HULL'S INVASION

exchange ? to become a territory of the United States,
and share with them that exclusion from the ocean which
the policy of their present government enforces—you are
not even flattered with a participation of their boasted independence, and it is but too obvious that once exchanged
from the powerful protection of the United Kingdom, you
must be re-annexed to the dominion of France, from
which the Provinces of Canada were wrested by the arms
of Great Britain, at a vast expense of blood and treasure,
from no other motive but to relieve her ungrateful children
from the oppression of a cruel neighbour ; this restitution
of Canada to the Empire of France was the stipulated
reward for the aid afforded to the revolted colonies, now
the United States ; the debt is still due, and there can be
no doubt but the pledge has been renewed as a consideration for commercial advantages, or rather for an expected
relaxation in the tyranny of France over the commercial
world. Are you prepared, Inhabitants of Upper. Canada, ,.,
to become willing subjects, or rather slaves, to the Despot
who rules the Nations of Europe with a rod of iron ?—If
not, arise in a body, exert your energies, co-operate cordially with the King's regular forces, to repel the invader,
and do not give cause to your children, when groaning
under the oppression of a foreign master to reproach you
with having too easily parted with the richest inheritance
of this Earth—a participation in the name, character, and
freedom of Britons.
The same spirit of justice, which will make every reasonable allowance for the unsuccessful efforts of zeal and
loyalty, will not fail to punish the defalcation of principle ;
every Canadian freeholder is, by deliberate choice, bound
by the most solemn oaths to defend the monarchy as well
as his own property ; to shrink from that engagement is
a treason not to be forgiven : let no man suppose that if,
in this unexpected struggle, His Majesty's arms should
be compelled to yield to an overwhelming force, that the
Province will be eventually abandoned ; the endeared
relation of its first settlers, the intrinsic value of its commerce, and the pretensions of its powerful rival to repossess the Canadas, are pledges that no peace will be
established between the United States, and Great Britain
and Ireland, of which the restoration of these Provinces
does not make the most prominent condition.
Be not dismayed at the unjustifiable threat of the

BROCK'S PROCLAMATION

19

commander of the enemy's forces to refuse quarter
should an Indian appear in the ranks. The brave bands
of natives which inhabit this colony were, like His
Majesty's subjects, punished for their zeal and fidelity,
by the loss of their possessions in the late colonies, and
rewarded by His Majesty with lands of superior value in
this Province ; the faith of the British government has
never yet been violated, they feel that the soil they
inherit is to them and their posterity protected from the
base arts so frequently devised to overreach their simplicity. By what new principle are they to be prevented
from defending their property ? If their warfare, from
being different from that of the white people, is more
terrific to the enemy, let him retrace his steps—they seek
him not—and cannot expect to find women and children
in an invading army ; but they are men, and have equal
rights with all other men to defend themselves and their
property when invaded, more especially when they find
in the enemy's camp a ferocious and mortal foe, using
the warfare which the American commander affects to
reprobate.
This inconsistent and unjustifiable threat of refusing
quarter for such a cause as being found in arms with a
brother sufferer in defence of invaded rights, must be exercised with the certain assurance of retaliation, not only
in the limited operations of war in this part of the King's
Dominions, but in every quarter of the globe, for the
national character of Britain is not less distinguished for
humanity than strict retributive justice, which will consider the execution of this inhuman threat as deliberate
murder, for which every subject of the offending power
must make expiation.
God Save the King.
ISAAC BROCK,'
a.j dGen.
an 1President.
July, 18d
Head Quarters, Fort George ,M2 2n
2.
By order of His Honor the President,
J. B. Glegg, Capt. A.D.C.
"'Brock's admirable production is generally believed to have
been prepared by Mr. Justice Powell, then Senior Puisne Judge of
the Court of King's Bench, of which Court he became Chief
Justice in the year 1816."
Sketches of Glengarry in Canada by J. A. Macdonell. p, 188.

20

HULL'S INVASION

The activity with which General Hull commenced his
offensive operations gave indication that they would be
followed up with vigor, and that, having once effected his
landing, he would afford not time for his enemies to col- .
lect the few resources they could command, or place themselves in an attitude of defence. The fort of Amherstburg
could not have sustained a siege of any duration. Quadrangular in its form,four bastions alone flanked a dry ditch,
offering little obstacle to a determined enemy. This
passed, a single line of picketing, perforated with loop
holes for musketry, and supported by a slight breast work,
remained to be carried. A prudent commander would,
however, have chosen a less uncertain mode of dislodging
the garrison. A few shells properly directed would have
answered the purpose, since, with the exception of the
magazine, all the buildings within were of wood, and covered with pine shingles of such extreme thinness, as
would have been found incapable of resisting missiles of
far less weight. The disadvantage of awaiting the enemy
in this position, Colonel St. George well knew. He consequently preferred giving him battle with the trifling
force he had at his disposition. With this view, the garrison received orders to be under arms at a moment's
warning, and the approach of the invader was anxiously
awaited. Satisfied, however, with having effected his
landing, and deriving no other advantage than that of
having his troops quartered on his enemy, the American
General appeared to have forgotten altogether the object
of his mission. Instead of descendingthe river Detroit
in boats, or attempting to throw a bridge across the Canard, at a point where we had no outpost, he contented
himself with despatching workmen, supported by bodies
of cavalry and infantry, to repair that already partially destroyed. Repulsed in every attempt, the daily skirmishes
which ensued led to no action of a decisive nature.
Here was poured forth the first British blood shed in

FIRST ENGAGMIENT

2I

the American War, and that in a manner so honorable to
the fallen, that it would be, in the highest degree unjust,
to omit insertion here of the most flattering official attestation that ever was penned and published, in approval
of the heroic conduct of a private soldier of the British
Army. Enduring honor to the 41st Regiment to which
corps these gallant and devoted fellows belonged. Their
names, which, from some unaccountable cause, have not
been given in the General Order, were Hancock and
Dean, the former killed, the latter taken prisoner,' as
shown in the following extract from that order dated
Quebec, August 6th, 1812.
" The Commander of the Porces takes great pleasure in
also announcing to the troops, that the enemy under
Brigadier General Hull have been repulsed in three attacks made on the 18th, i9th and 2oth of last month,
upon part of the Garrison of Amherstburg, on the River
Canard, in the neighborhood of that place ; in which attacks His Majesty's 41st Regiment have particularly distinguished themselves. In justice to that corps His Excellency wishes particularly to call the attention of the
Troops to the heroism, and self-devotion displayed by two
privates, who being left as sentinels when the party to
which they belonged had retired, contrived to maintain
their station against the whole of the enemy's force, until
they both fell, when one of them, whose arm had been
broken, again raising himself, opposed with his bayonet
those advancing against him, until overwhelmed by numbers. An instance of such firmness and intrepidity deserves to be thus publicly recorded, and His Excellency
thinks that it will not fail to animate the Troops under
his command with an ardent desire to follow so noble an
example, whenever an opportunity shall hereafter be
offered them."
Nor, among the very many daring exploits performed
at the Canard river, during the brief period of General
Hull's occupation of the Western District of Canada,
must omission be made of the gallant conduct of 22 War= This event took place on the 16th of July.
Procter to Brock, July 26th, 1812.

22 CAPTURE OF MICHILIMACKINAC

riors of the Minoumini tribe of Indians, who defeated and
drove in a detachment of zoo Americans, under the command of Major Denny,. who had advanced as far as the
mutilated bridge, with a view of forcing a passage. The
river, as it is called, is not more than three or four rods in
width.
While these unimportant events were passing in the
neighbourhood of Amherstburg, the small Garrison of
St. Josephs, the most remote of our North Western
defences, was not idle. Information having been conveyed to Captain Roberts of the loth Royal Veteran
Battalion, commanding that post, that war had been
declared by the American Government, that officer lost
no time in availing himself of the advantage afforded by
the ignorance of the fact, and consequent absence of
preparation on the part of the adjacent American Post of
Michilimackinac, and marched his disposable force to
compel a surrender of that fortress. Captain Roberts'
official despatch' on the subject has, we believe, never
= The modern spelling of this name is Menomoni. Their home
was along Green Bay, Lake Michigan.
2

Capt. Charles Roberts to Colonel Baynes :

17th July, 1812.
SIR, On the 15th instant I received letters by Express from
Major General Brock, with orders to adopt the most prudent
measures either of offence or defence which circumstances might
point out, and having received intelligence from the best information that large reinforcements were daily expected to be thrown
into this garrison, and finding that the Indians who had been collected would soon have abandoned me if I had not made the
attempt, with the thorough conviction that my situation at St.
Joseph's was totally indefensible, I determined to lose no time in
making the meditated attack on this Fort.
On the sixteenth, at Ten o'clock in the morning, I embarked my
few men with about one hundred and fifty Canadian Engagues,
half of them without arms, about three hundred Indians and two
Iron Six-pounders. The boats arrived without the smallest acci-,
dent at the place of Rendevouz at three o'clock the following
morning. By the exertions of the Canadians one of the Guns was
brought up to a height commanding the garrison, and ready to
act, about Ten o'clock. A summons was then sent in, a copy of
FORT MICHILIMACKINAC,

—

ARTICLES OF CAPITULATION

23

been published, but the following letter from a gentleman
connected with the Indian Department, to Colonel Claus,
the Superintendent-in-Chief of Indian affairs, sufficiently
details the nature of the operations of the little detachment.
which, as well as of the capitulation which followed, I have the
honor to enclose. At twelve the American Colors were hauled
down and those of His Majesty were hoisted.
A Committee has been appointed to examine into the state of
the Public stores. Enclosed also are the Returns of the Ordnance
and Military stores found in the Fort, and the strength of the gar. rison. The greatest praize is due to every individual employed in
this expedition. To my own officers I am indebted in particular
for their active assistance in carrying all my orders into effect.
The Indians are flocking in from all Quarters, but in a few
weeks I shall be left in a great measure to my own resources, and
I trust His Excellency the Governor-General will see the necessity
of adding to my force.
I have the honor to be, sir,
Your most obedient servant,
CHARLES ROBERTS,
The Adjutant-General,
Captain Commanding.
&c., &c., &c.
HEIGHTS ABOVE FORT MICHILIMACKINAC,

17th July, 1812.
upon between Captain Charles Roberts,
commanding His Britannic Majesty's forces on the one part, and
Lieutenant Hanks, commanding the forces of the United States of
America, on the other.
CAPITULATION agreed

ARTICLE.

1st. The Fort of Michilimackinac shall be immediately surrendered to the British force.
2nd. The garrison shall march out with the Honours of war, lay
down their arms and become prisoners of War, and shall be sent
to the United States of America by His Britannic Majesty not to
serve this war until regularly exchanged, and for the due performance of this article the officers pledge their word of honour.
3rd. All the merchant's Vessels in the Harbour with their cargoes
shall be in possession of their respective owners.
4th. Private property shall be held sacred as far as in my power.
5th. All Citizens of the United States Who shall not take the
oath of Allegiance to His Britannic Majesty shall depart with
their property from the Island in one month from the date hereof.
Signed
Signed
LIEUT. HANKS
CHARLES ROBERTS
Commanding
Captain commanding
the forces of the
His Britannic Majesty's
United States at
Forces.
Fort Michilimackinac.

24

CAPTURE OF MICHILIMACKINAC

Mackinac, I 18 July, 1812.
Dear Sir,
I am happy to have it in my power to announce to you
that Fort Mackinac capitulated to us on the 17th inst., at
II o'clock A.M. Captain Roberts at our head with part
of loth R.V. Battalion. Mr. Crawford had the command
I The first mission station in this district was established
by Father Marquette in 1670 or 1671. The site of this mission was
Point St. Ignace, north of the strait. In 1673 the French built,
near the mission church, a palisaded fort which was the
first Fort Michilimackinac. When De la Motte Cadillac was
in command it was called Fort Buade in honor of Count
Frontenac, Governor of New France. In 1701 Cadillac built
Fort Pontchartrain on the Detroit River, and through his
influence the garrison from Michilimackinac was withdrawn and
the missionaries followed soon afterwards. In 1714 a post was
re-established but the site of this fort was on the peninsula south of
the strait. It remained in the hands of the French till 1761, when
it was handed over to the British. It was before this fort on the
4th of June, 1763, that that great game of "ball" was played between
the Chippawas and Sacs, which ended in the capture of the fort
and the massacre of nearly all the whites,—an incident described
in Major Richardson's novel " Wacousta." For the sake of
security a new fort was built on the island of Mackinac, bought
from the Chippawas for £5,000. On July 13th, 1780, this fort was
occupied by the British under Captain Patrick Sinclair, who
had the title of Lieut.-Governor and Superintendent of the
Post. In 1796 it was handed over to the United States to fulfil a
clause in Jay's treaty of 1794 and consequently the British garrison
was removed to the Island of St.Joseph. Captain Charles Roberts,
commanding at St. Joseph, invested Fort Michilimackinac or
Mackinac on July 17th, 1812, with a force of whites and Indians,
and received its surrender from Lieut. Hanks on the same day.
It was held till the close of the war, although the United States
made strenuous efforts to retake it. To prevent surprise the old
fort was strengthened and a new one built on higher Found farther
inland, and named Fort George in honor of the King ; but when
the island was again ceded to the United States this new fort was
renamed Fort Holmes after Major Andrew Hunter Holmes, second
in command of the American force, who had been killed in the
attack on it on Aug. 4th, 1814. On July 18th, 1815, Lieut.-Col.
Robert McDouall, the British commander, handed it over to Col.
Anthony Butler, representing the United States. It remained a
garrison post until 1895. when it was abandoned and given by
Congress to the State of Michigan.

JOHN ASKIN'S LETTER

25

of the Canadians which consisted of about 200 men.
Mr. Dickson 113 Scioux, Fallsowines,r & Winnebagoes ;
myself about 13o men, Ottawas and Chippawas : part of
Ottawas of L'Arbre Croche had not arrived. It was a
fortunate circumstance that the Fort capitulated without
firing a single gun, for had they done so, I firmly believe
not a soul of them would have been saved. My Son,
Charles Langlade, Augustin Nolin, and Michel Cadotte,
Junr. , have rendered me great service in keeping the
Indians in order, and executing from time to time such
commands as were delivered to me by the Commanding
Officer. I never saw so determined a set of people as the
Chippawas and Ottawas were. Since the Capitulation,
they have not tasted a single drop of liquor, nor even
killed a fowl belonging to any person, a thing never
known before, for they generally destroy everything they
meet with.
The Hon Col. W. Claus,
I am Dear Sir,
&c.
&c.
&c.
Your most o' bt Servant,
Fort George.
(Signed) JOHN ASKIN,2 Junr.
Store Kr. Dept.
This name is variously spelled as Fallesavonies, Folavoines,
Fallovines, Fallsovines. The word is the French designation of
the Menomoni tribe and should be spelled Folleavoine. Menomoni
and Folleavoine each means the plant called wild oats by the
French and wild rice by the English.
2John Askin, Jr., was son of Colonel John Askin, of " Strabane,"
by his first wife, and consequently uncle of Major Richardson. I
believe his descendants live at London, Ontario, where he died
November 15th, 1869.

DEFEAT OF MAJOR VAN HORNE

III
BROWNSTOWN AND MAGUAGA

On the 6th of August,' informatiOn having been conveyed to Colonel Procter, that a body of the enemy were
then on their march to convoy a quantity of provisions
for the use of the garrison of Detroit, Brevet-Major
Muir, with a detachment of about a hundred men of the
forty-first regiment, and a few militia, received orders to
cross the river and occupy Brownstown, a small village
on the American shore, through which they were expected
to pass ; and thither we repaired accordingly.
It was on this occasion, that one of these rigid customs
peculiar to the Indians was observed. Previous to our
arrival at Brownstown a detachment of American troops,
consisting of zoo Riflemen of the Ohio Volunteers, under
the command of Major Van Horne, had been sent from
Detroit to escort the Mail, and to open a communication
with Captain Brush who, on his way with a supply of
provisions for the army of General Hull, had been compelled to halt at the River Raisin, thirty-six miles below
Detroit, his route having been intercepted by the Indians.
The spies or scouts of these latter, having given intimation to Tecumseh, who was then at Brownstown at the
z This should be 5th August. Procter in his despatch of Aug. 11th,
1812, to Brock, says the date of the skirmish at Brownstown was
Aug. 5th. Gen. Hull, in his despatch of Aug. 7th, says that Major
Van Horne was detached from his army on Aug. 4th ; but as the
American army was on the Canadian side of the Detroit river on
this date, Van Horne crossed the river on the 4th and encamped
that night about eleven miles beyond the Ecorces river. On the
5th they fell into the Indian ambuscade. Both officers in command, therefore, agree as to the date.
26

27

head of a small force, of the approach of Major Van
Horne, he took with him a party of 24 warriors, and with
these formed an ambuscade about three miles from the
village, and lining the thick woods on either side of the
road which passed through them, as far as his little band
would permit, there awaited the advance of the enemy.
Major Van Horne, having neglected to throw out skirmishers or an advanced guard of any kind, came suddenly,
with the main body of his riflemen chiefly mounted,
within reach of the Indians, who opened upon them a
most destructive fire, killing many men' and horses, and
compelling the remainder to wheel about and seek their
safety in flight. The Indians rose from their ambush
and, uttering fierce yells, pursued them for a considerable
distance, but without much subsequent loss to the enemy,
the fleetness of whose horses enabled them soon to distance their pursuers.
The only loss sustained by Tecumseh was one man
killed, and that by almost the last shot fired, in their
confusion, by the enemy. This individual was a young
Chief named Logan, who often acted as an interpreter,
and who, from partially understanding the English language, and being in frequent communication with them,
was nearly as great a favourite with the Officers and men
of the Right Division, as he was with his own people.
At the close of the action, Logan's dead body was
brought in, and placed in a long, low, log building which
the Indians chiefly used as a council room. Here the
recently engaged warriors now assembled, taking their
seats in a circle, with an air of great solemnity, and in
profound silence. Up to that moment one prisoner only
The American loss at Brownstown, according to Hull's despatch
of Aug. 7th, 1812, was 7 officers and 10 privates killed ; the number of wounded, unknown. Major Van Home, in his evidence at
Hull's trial, put his loss at 18 killed, 12 wounded and 70 missing,
which may be considered as correct. Colonel Procter, in his letter to Brock on Aug. 11th, 1812, puts the American loss at " about
50 killed." The British loss was not more than stated, as Major
an Horne made scarcely any resistance.

28

BROWNSTOWN

of the American detachment had fallen into their hands.
This poor fellow had been wounded, although not in such
. a way as to disable him from walking, and he was made
to take his seat in the circle. Added to the 24 Warriors
selected by Tecumseh, was the eldest son of Colonel
Elliott, the Superintendent of Indian affairs, a very fine
young man who was afterwards killed, (and scalped I
believe) and who, dressed as an Indian throughout the
day, now took his station as one of the war-party, among
his late companions in arms. It chanced that the prisoner
was placed next to him. After having been seated some
little time in this manlier, Mr. Elliott, observing the
blood to flow from some part of his neighbor's body,
involuntarily exclaimed—" Good God, you are wounded."
The sound of an English voice operated like magic upon
the unhappy man, and his look of despair was in an
instant changed for one of hope. " Oh Sir," he eagerly
exclaimed, " if you have the power to save me do so."
Mr. Elliott, who related the whole of the above circumstances to us later, stated that he had never experienced
such moments of mental agony as he felt during this
short appeal. Bitterly repenting the indiscretion which
had been the means of exciting an expectation, which he
well knew he had not the slightest power to realize, he
was compelled to reply somewhat harshly that he had no
more voice there than the prisoner himself, which indeed
was the fact. The American said no more ; he bent his
head upon his chest, and remained silent. Soon afterwards a bowl with food was placed before fiim, evidently
with a view (as the result proved) of diverting his attention. Of this he slightly partook or seemed to partake.
While occupied in this manner, a young warrior, obeying
a signal from one of the elders, rose from his seat, and
coming round and behind the prisoner, struck him one
blow with his tomahawk on the uncovered head, and he
ceased to live. Not a yell, not a sound beside that of the
crashing tomahawk was heard, not a muscle of an Indian

INDIAN FEROCITY

29

face was moved. The young warrior, replacing his
we apon, walked deliberately back, and resumed his seat
in the circle. The whole party remained a few minutes
longer seated, and then rose to their feet, and silently
ithdrew—leaving to those who had not been of the warw
party, to dispose of the body of the victim. Tecumseh
was not present at this scene.
Nor was this the only melancholy sacrifice offered to
the manes of the lamented and unconscious Logan. On
the very morning after this occurrence, as the Officers sat
grouped together on the grass, literally imbedded in
letters, the contents of the mail from Detroit, which had
been captured by the Indians, and which were now being
opened for the purpose of ascertaining the intended
movements of the enemy, the wild and peculiar yell of
several Warriors announced that another captive was
being brought in. We immediately rose and advanced
toward the low, log building already described, when we
beheld several Indians approaching it, preceded by a
prisoner whom they had secured by a long leathern thong,
made fast to another which confined his hands. He was
a finely-proportioned young man, and the air of dejection
which clouded his brow, gradually gave way to a more
cheerful expression, when, on approaching the encampment, he perceived those from whom he expected protection. Several of the men advanced to meet and converse
with him, and the poor fellow had apparently banished
all feeling of apprehension for his future fate, when an
aged aunt of the deceased issued from her tent, and stole
cautiously behind him. Even at the moment when the
mind of the prisoner was lulled into confidence, and without any previous admonition, the heartless woman drew
a tomahawk from beneath her mantle, and buried its
point in the skull of her victim. Stunned but not felled
by the wound, the unhappy man—his whole countenance
expressing horror and despair—grasped at the first soldier
near him for support ; but the blow was repeated so

30 BROWNSTOWN

suddenly, and with such violence, that he soon fell panting and convulsive to the earth. Fortunately he was
not suffered to linger in his agony. The Indians around
instantly despatched and scalped him, stripping the body
of its clothes, and committing violations on his person in
which the cruel aunt of Logan bore a principal share.
The indignation of the men was excessive ; but any
attempt to interfere, could they even have foreseen the
occurrence in time to render interference effectual, would
not only have cost them several lives, but produced the
most alarming consequences to our cause. Their displeasure was, however, expressed by their murmurs, and
the atrocity of the act became the theme of conversation
throughout the camp. At the moment of its perpetration,
I had myself approached within a few paces of the group,
and became an unwilling spectator of the whole transaction. The wild expression of the sufferer's eye : the supplicating look which spoke through the very distortion of
his features, and the agony which seemed to creep
throughout his every limb, were altogether indescribable.
In these two several sacrifices of human life, the
motives for action, it will be seen, were wholly different.
In the first case the Indians simply followed up a custom
which had prevailed among them for ages, and indeed, if
proof were required of this fact, it is at once to be found
in the absence of all ferocity, or excitement, or disposition
to insult the prisoner who had already been doomed to
death. The very fact of their having placed food before
him, with the manifest object of absorbing his attention,
and quieting his mind at the very moment of infliction of
the death blow, was an evidence of mercy—not mercy, it
is true, as understood by the Christian—but still mercy—
the mercy of the child of nature, whom the stern habits
of his forefathers have taught the lesson of sanguinary
retribution, yet who, in the micNt of its accomplishment,
seeks to spare all unnecessary pang to its victim.
The features of the second tragedy bore no resemblance

INDIAN SCALPED

31

to those which characterized the first. There, it was literally a religious immolation to the ashes of the deceased,
whose spirit, it was presumed, could not rest in quietness,
unless an enemy had been offered up as a propitiatory
sacrifice. Here, it was a piece of wanton revenge, and
perpetrated under circumstances of peculiar atrocity.
Not a sound of triumph escaped from the band of Warriors met to avenge the death of their recently-fallen
friend and comrade, although they might have been supposed to have been inflamed and excited by the action in
which each had borne so prominent a part, in the early
part of the day—not a look of levity derogated from the
solemnity of their purpose. On the contrary, loud shouts
and yells, and menacing looks and gestures, accompanied
the actions of those, who, taking their tone from the
cruel relative of Logan, scalped and otherwise mutilated
the body of the second prisoner.
The demeanor of the first party was that of a Christian tribunal, which sits in solemn judgment upon a
criminal, and beholds, without emotion, the carrying into
effect of its sentence by the executioner. The bearing of
the second was that of a Christian mob, to whose infuriated passions a loose has been given, and who, once
excited, by the sight of blood know not where to set a
bound to the innate and aroused cruelty of their nature.
In justice, however, to the Indians, it must be admitted
these seeming evidences of cruelty were not confined to
them. The American backwoodsmen were in the habit
of scalping also ; and indeed it is singular enough that,
although General Hull's famous, or rather, infamous
proclamation awarded death to any one of the subjects of
Great Britain, found combating at the side of, and therefore, assumed to be a participator in the barbarities attributed to the Indians, the very first scalp should have
been taken by an officer of his own army, and that within
a few days after the proclamation was issued.—James, in
his History of the War, relates—founded on a vague

32 BROWNSTOWN

rumor of the day—that at the action fought at Brownstown, where Major Van Home was defeated, a letter was
found in the pocket of Captain McCulloch (who was
among the slain on that occasion) addressed to his wife,
and stating that he had shot an Indian near the Canard
bridge, on the 15th of July, and had the pleasure of tearing of his scalp with his teeth. Now of the fact itself
there can be very little doubt, for we had one Indian
(and one only) killed and scalped at the Canard. But,
although Captain McCulloch is entitled to all the credit
of this feat, there is reason to infer that James is incorrect
in stating this information was obtained from a letter
'
found in his pocket. In the first instance it is extremely
unlikely that the Indians, in rifling and stripping the
body, would have brought off anything so valueless to
them as a letter, and secondly, it is much more probable
that such communication from McCulloch to his wife,
had been placed in the mail, which the party, to which
he belonged, were escorting from Detroit with the correspondence of General Hull's army, and which, it will
be recollected, was captured by the Indians. The whole
of .the letters passed through our hands, and it is highly
probable the disclosure was made in this manner. I
rather think it was, although I have no distinct recollection of the fact. There is another grave error into which
James has fallen, in regard to the defeat of Major Van
Horne's detachment. He states the force under Tecumseh to have amounted to 7o Warriors. As has already
been shown here, there were but 25 including Tecumseh,
and, added to these, young Elliott.
I call it a grave error, not only because it diminishes
the extraordinary merit of the action, but because it detracts from the glory and influence of Tecumseh, the
prestige of whose name and presence as much as anything else, by inspiring the utmost confidence in his little
band of followers, contributed to the signal defeat sustained by the enemy on that memorable occasion. James

JAMES' HISTORY CRITICISED

33

has, moreover, fallen into another error, in stating the
first British blood shed, to have been spilt at Maguaga.
It has already been shown that Hancock, one of the two
gallant sentinels forgotten at the Canard by Lieut.Clemow,
on withdrawing his picket, was the first British soldier
killed in the war. James incidentally alludes to the matter, but writes of both sentinels as having simply been
wounded ; whereas Hancock was cut down, while desperately wounded in two places, and on his knees, (on which
he had sunk from inability to support himself otherwise)
opposing a fruitless resistance to the advance of a body of
men, who had not magnanimity enough to spare the life
of so valiant and resolute, yet so helpless a foe. But
these are not the only objections to James, on the ground
of inaccuracy. There is not one action, fought by the
Right Division, which he has described with that fidelity
that alone can render history of importance to posterity ;
and, moreover, he betrays too much of the spirit of partizanship. Instead of adopting the calm and dignified style
befitting the historian, half his pages are filled with bitter,
though perhaps merited enough, sneers against the onesided American accounts of the war, and, in his eagerness
to refute these, he is often led into the very error he attributes to them—namely, mis-statements of force and circumstance. Of this, numerous instances might be adduced, but as it does not come within the object of this
narrative to notice these, I shall not enter upon the enumeration. After these incidental remarks, it may not be
unimportant to add, that I never read James' History of
the War until the first number of this compilation was
completed.
On the morning of Sunday, the 9th, the wild and distant cry of our Indian scouts gave us to understand that
the enemy were advancing. In the course of ten minutes
afterwards they appeared issuing from the wood, bounding like wild deer chased by the huntsman, and uttering
that peculiar shout which is known among themselves as

34

MAGUAGA

the news-cry. From them we ascertained that a strong
column of the enemy, cavalry and infantry, were on their
march to attack us, but that the difficulty of transporting
their guns rendered it improbable they could reach our
position before night, although then only at a distance of
eight miles. It being instantly decided on to meet them,
the detachment was speedily under arms, and on its march
for Maguaga, a small Indian village distant about a league.
The road along which we advanced was ankle-deep with
mud, and the dark forest waving its close branches over
our heads, left no egress to the pestilential exhalations
arising from the naked and putrid bodies of horses and
men killed of Major Home's detachment, which had been
suffered to lie unburied beneath our feet. No other sound
than the measured step of the troops interrupted the solitude of the scene, rendered more imposing by the wild
appearance of the warriors, whose bodies, stained and
painted in the most frightful manner for the occasion,
glided by us with almost noiseless velocity, without order
and without a chief ; some painted white, some black,
others half black, half red ; half black, half white ; all
with their hair plastered in such a way as to resemble the
bristling quills of the porcupine, with no other covering
than a cloth around their loins, yet armed to the teeth,
with rifles, tomahawks, war-clubs, spears, bows, arrows,
and scalping-knives. Uttering no sound, and intent only
on reaching the enemy unperceived, they might have
passed for the spectres of those wilds, the ruthless demons
which War had unchained for the punishment and oppression of man.
Having taken up a position about a quarter .of a mile
beyond Maguaga, our dispositions of defence were speedily made, the rustling of the leaves alone breaking on the
silence which reigned throughout our line. Following
the example of the Indians, we lay reclined on the ground,
in order to avoid being perceived, until within a few
yards of the enemy. While awaiting, in this manner, the

RETREAT OP BRITISH AND INDIANS

35

approach of the column, which we knew to be at no great
distance advancing upon us, our little force was increased
by the arrival of Lieut. Bullock of the 41st Grenadiers
who, with a small detachment of twenty men of his own
company, twenty Light Infantry, and twenty Battalion
men had been urged forward by Gen. Brock, from the
Headquarters of the Regiment, then stationed at Fort
George, for the purpose of reinforcing the little Garrison
of Amherstburg, and who having reached their destination the preceding day, had been despatched by Col.
Procter, (lately arrived to assume the command) to
strengthen us. Shortly the report of a single shot echoed
throughout the wood ; and the instant afterwards the
loud and terrific yells of the Indians, followed by a heavy •
and desultory fire, apprised us that they were engaged.
The action then became general along our line, and continued for half an hour, without producing any material
advantage ; when unluckily, a body of Indians that had
been detached to a small wood about five hundred yards
distant from our right, were taken by the troops for a
corps of the enemy endeavouring to turn their flank. In
vain we called otit to them that they were our Indians.
The fire which should have been reserved for their foes
was turned upon their friends, who, falling into the same
error, returned it with equal spirit. The fact was, they
had been compelled to retire before a superior force, and
the movement made by them, had given rise to the error
of the troops. That order and discipline which would
have marked their conduct as a body in a plain, was lost
sight of, in a great measure, while fighting independently
and singly in a wood, where every man, following the
example of the enemy, was compelled to shelter his person behind the trees as he could. Closely pressed in
front by an almost invisible foe, and on the point of
being taken in the rear, as was falsely imagined, the
troops were at length compelled to yield to circumstance
and numbers.

36

MAGUAGA

Although our retreat, in consequence of this unfortunate misapprehension, commenced in some disorder, this
was soon restored, when Major Muir, who had been
wounded early in the engagement, succeeded in rallying
his men, and forming them on the brow of a hill which
commanded a short and narrow bridge intersecting the
high road, and crossing a morass over which the enemy's
guns must necessarily pass. This was about a quarter of
a mile in rear of the position we had previously occupied.
Here we remained at least fifteen minutes, when finding
that the Americans did not make their appearance as expected, Major Muir, whose communication with Tecumseh had been cut off, and who now heard some smart fir- ing in the woods beyond his left, naturally inferred that
the enemy were pushing the Indians in that quarter, with
a view of turning his flank, gaining the high road in our
rear, and thus cutting off our retreat. The order was
then given to retire, which we certainly did at the double
quick, yet without being followed by the enemy, who
suffered us to gain our boats without further molestation.
In this affair, which we never then regarded as anything more than a sharp skirmish, yet to which the
Americans have since attached an undue importance,
their loss was 18 killed and 63 wounded'; ours, one rank
and file killed, two Officers, two Sergeants, nineteen
I Gen. Hull, in his despatch of Aug. 13th, 1812, puts the American loss at 10 non-commissioned officers and privates killed, and
45 wounded of 4th U.S. regiment, 8 killed and 12 wounded of Ohio
and Michigan volunteers. He estimates the British loss at—Indians, about 40 killed, number wounded not known ; Major
Muir and two subalterns wounded, one since dead ; 15 of the
41st killed and wounded, 4 made prisoners.
Col. Procter, in his letter of Aug. 11th, 1812, says the 41st lost
3 killed, 13 wounded and 2 missing ; the militia 1 killed, 2
wounded ; Indians, 2 killed and 6 wounded. He does not give
the American loss, but says it was considerable.
Major Dalliba states the American loss to be 18 killed and 63
wounded, and the British 58 killed and wounded, Indians 102
killed and wounded.
Major Richardson evidently accepted Major Dalliba's report of

REGULARS AT A DISADVANTAGE

37

rank and file wounded, and two rank and file missing,but
afterwards recaptured by the Indians The wounded
officers were Major Muir, and Lieutenant Sutherland.
They were near each other when the attack commenced,
and Major Muir having observed an American taking a
deliberate aim at them, hastily placed a short rifle, which
he usually carried with him on these occasions, on the
shoulder of his companion, and levelled it at his enemy.
Both fired at the same instant. The ball of the American,
entering Lieut. Sutherland's cheek, came out at the back
of his neck, and passed through one of Major Muir's
wings (he commanded the Light Company of the 41st),
while the rifleman himself fell dead on the spot, from his
adversary's bullet. Major Muir soon afterwards received
another ball in the leg, yet without being disabled.
Severe as proved the wound of Lieut. Sutherland, (who
was borne off the field when the retreat commenced, on
the back, if I do not greatly mistake, of one of the Messrs.
Caldwell of Amherstburg) he would have recovered had
he not imprudently, some ten days afterwards, made premature use of his tooth-brush. This opened the wound,
brought on hemorrhage, and before medical assistance
could be procured, (the main body of the force being then
in occupation of Detroit) he bled to death. Tecumseh
was also slightly wounded, by a buckshot, on this occasion.
Here it was that we had first an opportunity of perceiving the extreme disadvantage of opposing regular troops
to the enemy in the woods. Accustomed to the use of
the rifle from his infancy—dwelling in a measure amid
forests with the intricacies of which he is wholly
acquainted, and possessing the advantage of a dress
the American loss, but gives no authority for his statement of the
British loss, which he certainly must have underestimated, as
Procter had better means of knowing than any other British officer. The safest guide is to accept the statement of each commanding officer for his own casualties, as they would know more about
their own loss than that of their opponents.

38 MAGUAGA

which renders him almost undistinguishable to the eye of
an European, the American marksman enters with comparative security into a contest with the English soldier,
whose glaring habiliment and accoutrements are objects
too conspicuous to be missed, while his utter ignorance of
a mode of warfare, in which courage and discipline are
of no avail, renders the struggle for mastery even more
unequal. The principal armies to which the Right
Division was opposed during the war, consisted not of
regular and well-disciplined troops, but levies of men
taken from the forests of Ohio and Kentucky, scarcely
inferior as riflemen to the Indians. Dressed in woollen
frocks of a gray color, and trained to cover their bodies
behind the trees from which they fired, without exposing
more of their persons than was absolutely necessary for
their aim, they afforded us, on more than one occasion,
the most convincing proofs that without the assistance of
the Indian Warriors, the defence of so great a portion of
Western Canada, as was entrusted to the charge of the
numerically feeble Right Division, would have proved a
duty of great difficulty and doubt.
I have stated that the Americans subsequently attached
an undue importance to the affair of Maguaga. The following is an extract from a most voluminous account,
written by Major James Dalliba, and published under the
immediate inspection of Gen. (then Colonel) Miller, who
on this occasion commanded the American forces which,
by their own admission, consisted of the whole of the 4th
Regiment of United States Infantry, except one company
left at Sandwich to garrison a small fort, built by order
of General Hull : a small detachment of the ist Infantry,
and a small number (enough to man two pieces of cannon)
of Artillerists from Captain Dyson's company stationed in
Fort Detroit. This composed the regular force, in all
30o men. Then there were, according to the same
authority, " 6o men of the Michigan Militia, 40 Dragoons
and Mounted Spies, and 30o Riflemen of the Ohio Volun-

MAJOR DALLIBA'S REPORT

,39

teers, making in all 60o men." But now for Major
Dalliba's extract.
" The position which the enemy had chosen, lay in an
open oak wood, just at the declivity of a rising ground
over which the Americans had to pass. He had thrown
up breastworks of trees, logs, etc., behind which he lay
concealed in force, and in order of battle. His works
were thrown up in form of a courtine with two flanks.
The line of the courtine lay across the road and perpendicularly to it. The banks formed an angle with the
courtine of about 120°. The courtine was lined with
British regular troops, two deep, of the 41st Regiment of
foot, under the command of Major Muir, of that regiment,
who had long been in command at Malden. The flank of
the courtine, on the enemy's right, and American left,
was lined with Canadian militia and Indians, commanded
by Walk-in-the-water and Marpot. This line was flanked
by the river Detroit. Most of the militia were dressed
and painted like their ' brethren in arms,' the savages.
The left flank of the courtine was lined entirely by savages,under the command of the celebrated warrior, Tecumseh, of the Shawanee nation. The number of the British
regulars and militia amounted to about Soo ; about 200
regulars. The Indians amounted to 45o ; making the
enemy's force about 75o men.
" The position and strength of the enemy were entirely
unknown to Colonel Miller and to the army, at this time.
" At 12 o'clock, meridian, the detachment arrived at a
large opening which contained 4 or 5 Indian houses,
gardens and orchards. The army halted to take some
refreshment, and bury the man who had been killed ;
where they lay about one hour. The village was deserted,
and nothing left in the houses of consequence.
" The march was again resumed at r o'clock P.M. and
continued without interruption. The troops marched
over the ground on which Major Van Home had been
defeated four days before ; and passed the dead bodies of

40 MAGUAGA

several of the slain, and some dead horses. The body of
Captain M'Cullock lay under an Indian bark. The columns having arrived at the oak woods near Brownstown,
at half past three, some guns were heard ahead by them.
In a few seconds a volley was heard from Captain
Snelling's advance guard, and another instantly returned
from a great number of pieces. The troops, by this time
completely awake, were ordered to halt. Colonel Miller
rode towards the centre at full speed, halted, and with a
firm voice, ordered the columns to ' form the line of battle,' which was executed with that order, promptness,
and zeal, which he had expected : after the first vollies,
the firing became incessant in front. Captain Snelling
stood his ground till the lines were formed, and moved to
his relief. He stood within pistol shot of the enemy's
breastworks, in a shower of balls from the regular troops
in his front, who shewed themselves after the first fire,
and set up the Indian yell. When the first line appeared
before the breastwork, they received the fire of the whole
front and a part of the flanks : at this instant Colonel
Miller discovered that the enemy outflanked him, when
the second line and flank guards were brought upon the
flanks of the front line, and extended to meet the whole
line of the enemy. The savages, in unison with the
British troops, set up a horrid yell, and a severe conflict
ensued. The incessant firing in the centre ran diverging
to the flanks ; from the cracking of individual pieces it
changed to alternate vollies ; and at length to one continued sound : and while every thing seemed hushed
amidst the wavering roll, the discharge of the six-pounder
burst upon the ear. The Americans stood !—At this
instant Colonel Miller was thrown from his horse which
took fright at the discharge of the artillery ; he was supposed to be shot. Those near him flew to his aid. The
savages who saw him fall sprang over the breastwork to
take his scalp, but were driven back. Colonel Miller

MAJOR DALLIBA'S REPORT

4'

instantly remounted and returned to continue his orders.
The fire from the Indians, who were screened by their
breastworks, was deadly. The soldiers saw the advantage it gave them, and Colonel Miller, throwing his eye
along the line, discovered one or two edging to place
themselves behind a tree. He saw the instant must be
i mproved, and ordered ' charge ! ' which instantly ran
through the line : the men whom he saw edging, with
every other, brought down their pieces, struck up a
huzza ! and marched directly into the breastworks. The
effect of the grape from the six-pounder, and the approach
of the bayonet, caused the British line to yield, and then
to break, and the troops fled in disorder ! At nearly the
same instant the Indians and militia on their right flank,
being charged in their work, by the Michigan legion,
under Captain De Cant, and a part of the Ohio riflemen
turning this flank by the river, fled in confusion.
Tecumseh, on the enemy's left flank, stood longer ;
some of the Indians under his command, near the extremity of the line, had jumped over the breastworks, in
the full assurance of victory : they were driven back, by
the point of the bayonet. Tecumseh endeavoured to
outflank the American line, and turn their right ; but
from the skill and gallantry of the officers, and firmness
of the men on that flank, he was foiled in every attempt,
and was finally forced to fall back, and take new positions, and fight on the retreat. The British and Indians
on their right flank, fled directly down the river, and
were pursued by Colonel Miller, with that part of his
troops which had opposed them ; and Tecumseh, with
his Indians, fled directly from the river, westwardly,
into the wilderness and were pursued by that part of the
troops which had opposed them overtaking those who
were (severely) wounded, and otherwise unable to escape.
"After the British had retreated about one mile, they
came into an opening of about half a mile in diameter ;
here they endeavoured to form again, but on the precipi-

42

MAGUAGA

tate approach of the Americans, they again broke and fled
into the woods, down the river. They were pursued to the
edge of these woods, when Colonel Miller received information from Major Van Horne, whom he had left in
command of the right flank, that Tecumseh had retreated
westwardly, that he successively took new positions with
his Indians, that they were still fighting, and that it was
still doubtful how the conflict would finally terminate in
that quarter. On the receipt of this information Colonel
Miller ordered the troops under his immediate command,
to halt, and form the line. He informed the officers,that
it would not do to pursue the enemy any farther, until
he had heard again from the right flank. That as
Tecumseh had retreated in another direction, the army
was now divided, and the two divisions, already out of
hearing of each other's musketry. That if Tecumseh
was likely to overpower that division, he must send back
a reinforcement to their relief, or the Indians would otherwise immediately advance upon the field of battle, and
massacre the wounded, destroy the rear guard, and take
the ammunition and stores ; and finally fall upon his
rear.
"Information was at length brought that Tecumseh had
finally fled, and that the troops were returning to join that
division as soon as possible.
"Colonel Miller immediately ordered the troops to march
in further pursuit of the British. They entered the woods,
and the cavalry moved ahead at full speed. When they
arrived through these woods,which was about half a mile,
they came upon the beach of Lake Erie, and discovered
the enemy all in boats, steering towards Malden, and out
of reach of their shot. They had concealed their boats at
this point, when they came over, for this purpose, if they
should be defeated. This circumstance, however, could
not have been known to Colonel Miller before. He now
ordered the troops to return upon the field from whence
they had last marched, which was done ; and on their

MAJOR DALLIBA' S REPORT CRITICISED

43

arrival, they were joined by the other division, which had
returned from the pursuit of Tecumseh and his Indians.
"The cause is now shewn, which has not been generally
understood heretofore, why the British were not all captured, when they had been so totally defeated.
"The troops were then formed in line, fronting the field
of battle ; when Colonel Miller rode in front of the centre,
and addressed them in the following words :
" 'My brave fellows ! you have done well ! every man
has done his duty. I give you my hearty thanks for your
conduct on this day ; you have gained my highest esteem ;
you have gained fresh honor to yourselves, and to the
American arms ; your fellow-soldiers in arms will love
you, and your country will reward you. You will return
to the field of battle, to collect those who have gloriously
fallen ; your friendly attention to your wounded companions is required.'
"At sunrise the march was resumed, and at 12 o'clock on
the I2th of August, the detachment re-entered the town of
Detroit, covered with mud from foot to head, their clothes
not having been dried in two and a half days. The sun
now cheered them with its influence ; they marched
through the street to the encampment. They were met
by their brother soldiers and citizens, with all that sympathy and heartfelt joy which constitutes the soldier's
reward for his hard-earned victory."
Now, the courfine, alluded to by Major Dalliba, could
have had no existence except in the heated imagination of
a warrior flushed with victory, and magnifying the difficulties which his intrepidity and daring have surmounted.
We had no breastwork of any description, and for this
simple reason—that when we left Brownstown in the
morning to meet the enemy, we knew not at what point
we should halt. When the ground we did occupy was
reached, the Americans were not more than a mile, or a
mile and a half, in our front, and Major Muir, finding it
to be not an unfavorable position for defence, inasmuch as
we were covered by the brow of a slightly rising ground,

MAGUAGA

MAJOR DALLIBA'S REPORT CRITICISED

ordered the men to lie down, and otherwise cover themselves with what logs happened to be in the way. There
had been no previous selection of ground, and, therefore,
no preparation—no precaution beyond that which has just
been stated. Here we had been only a very short time,
before the American advance was engaged with the Indians on our left, thrown forward, and soon the affair,
during which the enemy's grape was very liberally dispensed, became general.—Great, however, as was the disproportion of arm and numbers (for it will be recollected
that even with the reinforcement brought by Lieut. Bullock, ours did not exceed 15o men of the 41st Regiment,
to which might be added some 4o or 5o militia) there is
no reason to infer that the men would not longer have
maintained their ground, had it not been for the certainty
which existed that the enemy were outflanking us. I
perfectly recollect the position, even at this hour, although
I have never passed over the ground since, and I can
understand the alarm which prevailed. Immediately on
our right—and I was on the extreme of that flank—was a
plain of wild high grass, extending about 600 yards, and
at its termination, an open wood, running parallel with
the roads, thro' which, during the heat of the affair, a large
body of men, whom it was impossible to distinguish, were
discovered hastening their movements, with the evident
intention of gaining our rear. Such, indeed, proved to be
their object, but the men, who unluckily had not been
apprised of the fact of a party of Indians having been despatched to the extremity of the wood in question, mistook these (now driven back by the American left) for
the enemy, and commenced firing upon them ; thus relieving the actual enemy from much of the obstacle
which had hitherto been opposed to their advance. The
Indians, probably laboring under the same erroneous impression, or indignant at being assailed in this manner by
their friends, partially returned the fire, and this of
course tended still more to confirm the belief entertained
by the men that they were Americans endeavoring to turn

their flank—nor could the earnest assurances of their
officers remove this conviction. The discouraging effect
of a panic of this kind is well known. The men hastily
retired, carrying off their wounded, however, but the
Americans did not pursue farther than the point we had
abandoned. As has already been seen, the troops were
speedily rallied and reformed, but without further invitation from the enemy to renew the contest.
There is another error in Major Dalliba's very lengthy
detail of this affair, a notice of which is only important,
because it tends to show, that the courline, which he has
so emphatically described, may have originated in the
same want of recollection (and he states that he writes
from recollection) of the actual condition of the ground
where the skirmish commenced. He states, as will be
seen in the extract I have given, that before the action
commenced, they (the American detachment) passed the
spot where Major Van Home had been defeated a few
days before ; and that they, among many dead bodies of
men and horses, discovered that of Captain McCulloch
placed under an Indian bark. Now this was impossible
for we had passed these dead bodies in the morning, and
they lay nearly midway between Brownstown and the
scene of action. I can well recollect this fact, for such
was the stench and the effluvia arising from the disgusting
and bloated objects, which had been suffered to fester
beneath a scorching sun, during several consecutive days,
that, both in the advance, and the retreat, I experienced
anything but regret when I had quitted the atmosphere
they poisoned with their presence. Major Dalliba must
have passed these at a subsequent period of the day, when,
as he observes, the Americans came out of the wood near
Brownstown, and found that the handful of British had
been suffered to effect their retreat without interruption.
It must not be omitted to remark that, on the return of
Colonel Miller to Detroit, he was closely followed by a
band of about 250 Indians, chiefly Pottawattomies, who
hung on the American rear and captured several boats

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