Title

Appendix

Identifier

http://www.nflibrary.ca/nfplindex/show.asp?b=1&ref=oo&id=298188

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273-296

Bibliographic Citation

1812; the war and its moral : a Canadian chronicle / William Foster Coffin.

10167813

1812; the war and its moral : a Canadian chronicle / William Foster Coffin.

Type

Text

extracted text

ert1").!"

APPENDIX.
—0

No. 1.
(Extracted from the Report of the Loyal and Patriotic Society of Upper
Canada. Published, Montreal, Lower Canada, 1817. Printed by
William Gray.)

To THOMAS JEFFERSON, Esquire, of Monticello, Ex-president of the
United States of America.
Sir,
In your letter to a member of Congress, recently published,
respecting the sale of your library,* I perceive that you are angry
with the British for the destruction of the public buildings at Washington, and attempt, with your accustomed candour, to compare that
transaction to the devastations committed by the Barbarians in the
middle ages. As you are not ignorant of the mode of carrying on the
war adopted by your friends, you must have known that it was a small
• Molawsum, 21st Sept., 1814.
"DEAR Six,— .... I learn from the newspapers that the vandalism of our
enemy has triumphed at Washington over science as well as the arts, by the
destruction of the public library, with the noble edifice in which it was deposited. Of this transaction, as that of Copenhagen, the world will entertain but
one sentiment. They will see a nation suddenly withdrawn from a great war,
full armed and full handed, taking advantage of another, whom they had
recently forced into it—unarmed and unprepared—to indulge themselves in

acts of barbarism which do not belong to a civilized age."

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APPENDIX.

retaliation after redress had been refused for burnings and depredations,
not only of public but private property, committed by them in Canada ;
but we are too well acquainted with your hatred to Great Britain to
look for truth or candour in any statement of yours where she is concerned. It is not for your information, therefore, that I relate in this
letter those acts of the army of the United States in the Canadas, which
provoked the conflagration of the public buildings at Washington,
because you are well acquainted with them already ; but to shew the
world that to the United States and not to Great Britain 'must be
charged all the miseries attending a mode of warfare originating with
them, and unprecedented in modern times.
A stranger to the history of the last three years, on reading this part
of your letter, would naturally suppose that Great Britain, in the pride
of power, had taken advantage of the weak and defenceless Situation of
the United States to wreak her vengeance upon them. But what would
be his astonishment when told that the nation, said to be unarmed and
unprepared, had provoked and first declared the war, and carried it on
offensively for two years, with a ferocity unexampled, before the British
`hail the means of making effectual resistance. War was declared against
Great Britain by the United States of America in June, 1812,—
Washington was taken in August, 1814. Let us see in what spirit your
countrymen carried on the war during this interval.
In July, 1812, General Hull invaded the British province of Upper
Canada, and took possession of the town of Sandwich. He threatened
((by a proclamation) to exterminate the inhabitants if they made any
resistance ; he plundered those with whom he had been in habits of
intimacy for years before the war—their plate and linen were found in
his possession after his surrender to General Brock; he marked out the
loyal subjects of the King as objects of peculiar resentment, and consigned their property to pillage and conflagration. In autumn, 1812,
some houses and barns were burnt by the American forces near Fort
Erie, in Upper Canada.
In April, 1813, the public buildings at York, the capital of Upper
Oanada, were burnt by the troops of the United States, contrary to

APPENDIX.

275

the articles of capitulation. They consisted of two elegant halls, with
convenient offices, for the accommodation of the legislature and of the
courts of justice. The library and all the papers and records belonging
to these institutions were consumed at the same time. The church was
robbed, and the town library totally pillaged. Commodore Chauncey,
who has generally behaved honourably, was so ashamed of this last transaction, that he endeavoured to collect the books belonging to the public
library, and actually sent back two boxes filled with them, but hardly
any were complete. Much private property was plundered, and several
houses left in a state of ruin. Can you tell me, Sir, the reason why the
public buildings and library at Washington should be held more sacred
than those at York ? A false and ridiculous story is told of a scalp
having been found above the Speaker's chair, intended as an ornament.
In June, 1813, Newark came into the possession of your army (after
the capture of Fort George), and its inhabitants were repeatedly promised
protection to themselves and property, both by General Dearborn and
General Boyd. In the midst of these professions, the most respectable
of them, although non-combatants, were made prisoners and sent into
the United States ; the two churches were burnt to the ground ; detachments were sent, under the direction of British traitors, to pillage the
loyal inhabitants in the neighbourhood, and to carry them away captive;
many farm houses were burnt during the summer ; and at length, to fill
up the measure of iniquity, the whole of the beautiful village of Newark,
with so short a previous intimation as to amount to none, was consigned
to the flames. The wretched inhabitants had scarcely time to save
themselves, much less any of their property. More than four hundred
women and children were exposed without shelter on the night of the
10th of December, to the intense cold of a Canadian winter, and great
numbers must have perished, had not the flight of your troops, after
perpetrating this ferocious act, enabled the inhabitants of the country to
come in to their relief.
Your friend Mr. Madison has attempted to justify this cruel deed
on the plea that it was necessary for the defence of Fort George. Nothing
can be more false. The village was some distance from the fort; and

APPENDIX.

APPENDIX.

274

retaliation after redress had been refused for burnings and depredations,
not only of public but private property, committed by them in Canada ;
but we are too well acquainted with your hatred to Great Britain to
look for truth or candour in any statement of yours where she is concerned. It is not for your information, therefore, that I relate in this
letter those acts of the army of the United States in the Canadas, which
provoked the conflagration of the public buildings at Washington,
because you are well acquainted with them already ; but to shew the
world that to the United States and not to Great Britain must be
-

charged all the miseries attending a mode of warfare originating with
them, and unprecedented in modern times.
A stranger to the history of the last three years, on reading this part
of your letter, would naturally suppose that Great Britain, in the pride
of power, had taken advantage of the weak and defenceless situation of
the United States to wreak her vengeance upon them. But what would
be his astonishment when told that the nation, said to be unarmed and
unprepared, had provoked and first declared the war, and carried it on
offensiyeli for two years, with a ferocity unexampled, before the British
had the eats of making effectual resistance. War was declared against
Great Britain by the United States of America in June, 1812,—
Washington was taken in August, 1814. Let us see in what spirit your
countrymen carried on the war during this interval.
In July, 1812, General Hull invaded the British province of Upper
Canada, and took possession of the town of Sandwich. He threatened
(by a proclamation) to exterminate the inhabitants if they made any
resistance ; he plundered those with whom he had been in habits of
• t.1•(

1,t

,

intimacy for years before the war—their plate and linen were found in
his possession after his surrender to General Brock; he marked out the
loyal subjects of the King as objects of peculiar resentment, and consigned their property to pillage and conflagration. In autumn, 1812,
some houses and barns were burnt by the American forces near Fort
Erie, in Upper Canada.
In April, 1813, the public buildings at York, the capital of Upper
,Canada, were burnt by the troops of the United States, contrary to

275

the articles of capitulation. They consisted of two elegant halls, with
convenient offices, for the accommodation of the legislature and of the
courts of justice. The library and all the papers and records belonging
to these institutions were consumed at the same time. The church was
robbed, and the town library totally pillaged. Commodore Chauncey,
who has generally behaved honourably, was so ashamed of this last transaction, that he endeavoured to collect the books belonging to the public
library, and actually sent back two boxes filled with them, but hardly
any were complete:- Much private property was plundered, and several
houses left in a state of ruin. Can you tell me, Sir, the reason why the
public buildings and library at Washington should be held more sacred
than those at York ? A false and ridiculous story is told of a scalp
having been found above the Speaker's chair, intended as an ornament.
In June, 1813, Newark came into the possession of your army (after
the capture of Fort George), and its inhabitants were repeatedly promised
protection to themselves and property, both by General Dearborn and
General Boyd. In the midst of these professions, the most respectable
of them, although non-combatants, were made prisoners and sent into
the United States ; the two churches were burnt to the ground ; detachments were sent, under the direction of British traitors, to pillage the
loyal inhabitants in the neighbourhood, and to carry them away captive ;
many farm houses were burnt during the summer ; and at length, to fill
up the measure of iniquity, the whole of the beautiful village of Newark,
with so short a previous intimation as to amount to none, was consigned
to the flames. The wretched inhabitants had scarcely time to save
themselves, much less any of their property. More than four hundred
women and children were exposed without shelter on the night of the
10th of December, to the intense cold of a Canadian winter, and great
numbers must have perished, had not the flight of your troops, after
perpetrating this ferocious act, enabled the inhabitants of the country to
come in to their relief.
Your friend Mr. Madison has attempted to justify this, cruel deed
on the plea that it was necessary for the defence of Fort George. Nothing
can be more false. The village was some distance from the fort; and

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APPENDIX.

APPENDIX.

instead of thinking to defend it, General McClure was actually retreating
to his own shore when he caused Newark to be burnt. This officer says
that he acted in conformity with the orders of his government; the
government, finding their justification useless, disavow his conduct.
McClure appears to be the fit agent of such a government. He not
only complies with his instructions, but refines upon them by choosing a
day of intense frost, giving the inhabitants almost no warning till the
fire began, and commencing the conflagration in the night.
In Nov., 1813, the army of your friend General Wilkinson committed
great depredations in its progress through the eastern district of 'Upper
Canada, and was proceeding to systematic pillage, when the commander
got frightened, and fled to his own shore, on finding the population in

On the 20th of September, a second excursion was made by the garrison of Detroit, spreading fire and pillage through the settlements in the
western district of Upper Canada. Twenty-seven families, on this occasion, were reduced to the greatest distress
Early in
November, General McArthur, with a large body of mounted Kentuckians
and Indians, made a rapid march through the western and part of the
London districts, burning all the mills, destroying provisions, and
living upon the inhabitants. If there was less private plunder than usual,
it was because the invaders had no means of carrying it away.
On our part, Sir, the war has been carried on in the most forbearing
manner. During the two first campaigns, we abstained from any acts of
retaliation, notwithstanding the great enormities which we have mentioned.
It was not till the horrible destruction of Newark, attended with so many
acts of atrocity, that we burnt the villages of Lewiston, Buffalo, and
Black Rock. At this our commander paused. He pledged himself to
proceed no farther, on the condition of your returning to the rules of
legitimate warfare. Finding you pursuing the same system this last
campaign, instead of destroying the towns and villages within his reach,
to which he had conditionally extended his protection, he applied to
Admiral Cochrane to make retaliation upon the coast. The Admiral informed Mr. Monroe of the nature of this application, and his determination to comply, unless compensation was made for the private property
wantonly destroyed in Upper Canada. No answer was returned for
several weeks, during which time Washington was taken. At length a
letter, purporting to be answered, arrived, in which the Secretary dwells
with much lamentation on the destruction of the public buildings at
Washington; which, notwithstanding the destruction of the same kind
of buildings in the capital of Upper Canada, he affects to consider without
a parallel in modern times. So little regard has he for truth, that, at the
very moment of his speaking of the honour and generosity practised by

276

that district inveterately hostile.
The history of the two first campaigns proves, beyond dispute, that you
had reduced fire and pillage to a regular system. It was hoped that the
severe retaliation taken for the burning of Newark, would have put a
stop to a practice so repugnant to the manners and habits of a civilized
age; but so far was this from being the case, that the third campaign
exhibits equal enormities. General Brown laid waste the country
between Chippewa and Fort Erie, burning mills and private houses, and
rendering those not consumed by fire, uninhabitable. The pleasant
village of St. David was burnt by his army when about to retreat.
On the 15th of May a detachment of the American army, under
Colonel Campbell, landed at Long Point, district of London, Upper
Canada, and on that and the following day, pillaged and laid waste as
much of the adjacent country as they could reach. They burnt the
village of Dover, with the mills, and all the mills, stores, distillery, and
dwelling houses in the vicinity, carrying away such property as was
portable, and killing the cattle. The property taken and destroyed on
this occasion, was estimated at fifty thousand dollars.
On the 16th of August some American troops and Indians from
Detroit, surprised the settlement of Port Talbot, where they committed
the most atrocious acts of violence, leaving upwards of 234 men, women,
and children in a state of nakedness and want.

his government in conducting the war, General McArthur was directed
by the President to proceed upon his burning excursion.
Perhaps you will bring forward the report of the Committee appointed
by Congress to inquire into British cruelties, and to class them under the

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APPENDIX.

heads furnished by Mr. Madison, as an offset for the facts that have been
mentioned. The Committee must have found the subject extremely barren, as only one report has seen the light; but since the articles of
accusation are before the public, and have been quoted by the enemies of
England as capable of ample proof, let us give them a brief examination :
1st. Ill-treatment of American prisoners.
2nd. Detention of American prisoners as British subjects, under the
pretext of their being born on British territory, or of naturalization.
3rd. Detention of sailors as prisoners, because they were in England
when war was declared.
4th. Forced service of American sailors, pressed on board English
men-of-war.
5th. Violence of flags of truce.
6th. Ransom of American prisoners taken by the savages in the service
of England.
7th. Pillage and destruction of private property in the bay of Chesapeake, and the neighbouring country.
8. Massacre of American prisoners surrendered to the officers of Great
Britain by the savages engaged in its service. Abandoning to the savages
the corpses of American prisoners killed by the English, into whose
hands they had been surrendered. Pillage and murder of American
citizens, who had repaired to the English under the assurance of their
protection ; the burning of their houses.
9th. Cruelties exercised at Hampton, in Virginia.
1st. Ill-treatment of American prisoners.
General Brock sent all the militia taken at Detroit home on their
parole, accompanied by a guard to protect them from the Indians,
detaining only the regulars, whom he sent to Quebec, where they met
with the most liberal treatment, as the honest among them have frequently confessed. General Sheaffe acted in the same manner after the
battle of Queenston, keeping the regulars, and dismissing the militia on
their parole. Nor was this liberal course departed from, till the gross
misconduct of the American government, in liberating, without exchange,

APPENDIX.

279

those so sent home, and in carrying away non-combatants, and seizing
the whole inhabitants of the districts which they invaded, rendered it
absolutely necessary.
When they were not able to take all the armed inhabitants away, they
made those they left sign a parole—a conduct never known in, the annals
of war—the conditions of which not only precluded them from afterwards
bearing arms, but from giving, in any manner, their services to government. The farmers were dragged out of their houses, and carried into
the States. Clergymen were forced to give their parole ; in fine, it
appeared to make no difference whether a man was in arms or not,—he
was sure to experience the same treatment.
Many people, when prisoners, have been treated in the most infamous
manner. Officers, though sick and wounded, have been forced to march
on foot through the country ; while American officers taken by us, were
conveyed in boats or carriages to the place of destination.
Our captured troops have been marched, as spectacles, through the
towns, although you affect to complain of Hull's and other prisoners
being marched publicly into Montreal. The officers of the 41st Regiment
were confined in the penitentiary, at Kentucky, among felons of the most
infamous description. They were treated with harshness, often with
cruelty; and persons who wished to be kind to them were insulted by the
populace.
Even the stipulations respecting prisoners, agreed to by the American
government, have been most shamefully broken. Sir George Prevost and
Mr. Madison agreed that all prisoners taken before the 15th day of
April, 1814, should be exchanged on or before the 15th day of May last,
to be conveyed into their respective countries by the nearest routes. On
that day the Governor-in-Chief, faithful to his engagements, sent home
every American prisoner ; but the government of the United States
seemed for a long time to have totally forgotten the stipulation. A few
prisoners were sent back in June, but many of the officers and all the
soldiers of th 41st Regiment were detained till towards the end of
October. To the soldiers of this regiment (as indeed to all others) every
temptation had been presented, to induce them to desert and enlist in

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APPENDIX.

APPENDIX.

their service, by money, land, &c. After it was found impossible to persuade any number of them to do so, the American government encamped
them, for nearly two months, in a pestilential marsh near Sandusky,
without any covering. There, having neither shelter nor the necessary
quantity of provisions, they all got sick, many died ; and, in October, the
remainder were sent to Long Point, sick, naked and miserable. From
this place they could not be conveyed, till clothes had been sent to cover
their nakedness. Great numbers sunk under their calamities, and the
utmost care and attention were required to save any of them alive. Such
an accumulation of cruelty was never exhibited before.

This accusation has been often made, but never coupled with the offer
of Mr. Forster, to discharge every American so detained, on being furnished with the list. The list was never furnished.

The government of the United States assumed the prerogative of
relieving officers from parole, without exchanging them ; and even Commodore Rodgers took twelve seamen out of a cartel, as it was proceeding
to Boston Bay, and was justified for this outrage by his government.
2nd. Detention of American prisoners as British subjects.
It is notorious that a great many of the American army have been
British subjects since the commencement of the war ; and, had we determined to punish these traitors with death, if found invading our territories, and, after giving them warning, acted up to such a determination,
it would have been strictly right; and in such case very few would have
entered Canada. While these persons act merely as militia, defending
their adopted country against invasion, some lenity might be shown
them ; but when they march into the British Provinces for the sake of
conquest, they ought to be considered traitors to their king and country,
and treated accordingly.
.

3rd. Detention of sailors as prisoners, because they were in England
when war was declared.
This accusation is ridiculous, as sailors are always considered in the
first class of combatants ; but it comes with an ill grace from those who
have detained peaceable British subjects, engaged in civil life, and
banished, fifteen miles from the coast, those of them who happened to be
in America at the declaration of war, and treated them, almost in every
respect, like prisoners of war, according to Bonaparte's example.
4th. Forced service of American sailors, pressed on board of English
men-of-war.

5th. Violence of flags of truce.
This accusation of Mr. Madison contains about as much truth as those
that have been already examined. We shall give two examples of the
treatment experienced by the bearers of flags of truce from the British
army.
Major Fulton, aide-de-camp to General Sir George Prevost, was stopped
by Major Forsyth, of the United States army, at the outposts, who
insulted him most grossly, endeavoured to seize his despatches, and
threatened to put him to death. So much ashamed were Forsyth's superiors at this outrage, that he was sent for a short time to the rear.
General Proctor sent Lieut. Le Breton to General Harrison, after the
battle of Moravian Town, to ascertain our loss of officers and men ; but,
instead of sending him back, General Harrison detained him many weeks,
took him round the lake, and, after all, did not furnish him with the required information, which had been otherwise procured in the meantime.
6th. Ransom of American prisoners, taken by the savages in the
service of England.
Some nations of the natives were at war with the Americans, long before hostilities commenced against England; many others not. When
attempts were made to conquer the Canadas, the Indians beyond our territories, part by choice and part by solicitation, came and joined us as
allies; while those within the Provinces had as great an interest in
defending them, as the other proprietors of the soil. To mitigate as
much as possible the horrors of war, it was expressly and repeatedly told
the Indians that scalping the dead, and killing prisoners or unresisting
enemies, were practices extremely repugnant to our feelings, and no
presents would be given them but for prisoners. This, therefore, instead
of becoming an article of accusation, ought to have excited their gratitu e;
for the presence and authority of a British force uniformly tended to
secure the lives of all who were defenceless, and all who surrendered. It
almost without exception saved the lives of our enemies ; yet the Ameri-

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APPENDIX.

APPENDIX.

can government brands us as worse than savages, for fighting by the side
of Indians, and at first threatened our extermination if we did so,
although they employed all the Indians they could. Many individuals
have acknowledged their obligation to us for having been saved by the
benevolent and humane exertions of our officers and troops ; but no officer
of rank ever had the justice to make a public acknowledgment. The
eighth accusation is much the same as this, and must have been separated
in order to multiply the number of articles. It is notorious that some
British soldiers have been killed by the Indians, protecting their prisoners.
This was the case at General Winchester's defeat, and at General Clay's.
The grossest exaggerations have been published. General Winchester
was declared in all the American papers to have been scalped, and
mangled in the most horrid manner, when he was in his quarters at
Quebec. In a General Order, dated Kingston, 26th July, 1813, among
other things respecting Indians, it is said, that the head-money for the
prisoners of war brought in by the Indian warriors, is to be immediately
paid by the Commissariat, upon the certificate of the general officer commanding the division with which they are acting at the time. Let us now
see how the poor Indians are treated by the Americans, after promising
that they have done their utmost to employ as many Indians as possible
against us. It is a fact that the first scalp taken this war was by the
Americans, at the river Canard, between Sandwich and Amherstburgh.
At this place an Indian was killed, by the advance of General Hull's
army, and immediately scalped.*

off, the ungrateful monster stabbed him in the neck, on which he was
killed by Capt. Caldwell's friends.
The American troops, under General Winchester, killed an Indian in
a skirmish near the river Au Raisin, on the 18th January, 1813, and
tore him literally to pieces, which so exasperated the Indians, that they
refused burial to the Americans killed on the 22nd. The Indian hero,
Tecumseh, after being killed, was literally flayed in part by the Americans,

At the skirmish of Brownston, several Indians fell, and were scalped by
the American troops.
The Kentuckians were commonly armed with a tomahawk and long
scalping-knife ; and burned Indians as a pastime.
At the river Au Raisin, Captain Caldwell, of the Indian department,
saved an American officer from the Indians, and, as he was leading him

• An Indian never scalps his enemy until after he is dead, and does so to
preserve a proof or token of his victory.

and his skin carried off as a trophy.
Twenty Indian women and children, of the Kickapoo nation, were
inhumanly put to death by the Americans a short time ago, near Prairie,
on the Illinois River, after driving their husbands into a morass, where
they perished with cold and hunger. Indian towns were burnt as an
amusement, or common-place practice. All this, however, is nothing,
compared to the recent massacre of the Creeks. General Coffee, in his
letter to General Jackson, dated 4th November, 1813, informs him that
he surrounded the Indian towns at Tullushatches, in the night, with nine
hundred men ; that, about an hour after sunrise, he was discovered by
the enemy, who endeavoured, though taken by surprise, to make some
resistance. In a few minutes the last warrior of them was killed. He
mentioned the number of warriors seen dead to be 186, and supposes as
many among the weeds as would make them up two hundred. He confesses that some of the women and children were killed, owing to the
warriors mixing with their families. He mentions taking only eighty-four
prisoners of women and children. Now, it is evident that, in a village
containing two hundred warriors, there must have been nearly as many
women and men, perhaps more ; and, unquestionably, the number of
children exceeded the men and women together. What, then, became
of all these? Neither does General Coffee mention the old men. Such
things speak for themselves. The poor Indians fought, it appears, with
bows and arrows, and were able only to kill five Americans. Their situation was too remote, for them to receive assistance from the British.
Their lands were wanted, and they must be exterminated. Since this
period, the greater part of the nation has been massacred by General
Jackson, who destroyed them wantonly, in cold blood. There was no

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APPENDIX.

resistance, if we except individual ebullition of despair, when it was found
that there was no mercy. Jackson mentions, exultingly, that the morning
after he had destroyed a whole village, sixteen Indians were discovered
hid under the bank of the river, who were dragged out and murdered.
Upon these inhuman exploits, President Madison only remarks to Congress, that the Creeks had received a salutary chastisement, which would
make a lasting impression upon their fears. The cruelties exercised
against these wretched nations are without a parallel, except the coldness
and apathy with which they are glossed over by the President. Such is
the conduct of the humane government of the United States, which is
incessantly employed, as they pretend, in civilizing the Indians. But it
is time to finish this horrid detail. We shall, therefore, conclude with a
short extract from a letter of the Spanish Governor of East Florida,
Benigno Garzia, to Mr. Mitchell, Governor of the State of Georgia, to
show that the policy of the government of the United States, in regard
to the Indians, is now generally known:
" The Province of East Florida may be invaded in time of profound
peace, the planters ruined, and the population of the capital starved, and,
according to your doctrine, all is fair ; they are a set of outlaws if they
resist. The Indians are to be insulted, threatened, and driven from their
lands ; if they resist, nothing less than extermination is to be their fate."
7th and 9th.—Pillage and destruction of private property, in the Bay
of Chesapeake and the neighbouring country, and cruelties exercised at
Hampton, in Virginia.
It requires astonishing effrontery to make these articles of accusation,
after the depredations and cruelties committed by the army of the United
States in the Canadas.
In the attack upon Craney Islands, some boats in the service of Great
Britain ran aground. In this situation they made signals of surrender;
but the Americans continued to fire upon them from the shore. Many
of them jumped into the water, and swam towards land ; but they were
shot as they approached, without mercy. A few days after, Hampton was
taken, and some depredations were committed by the foreign troops who
had seen some of their comrades so cruelly massacred : but before any

APPENDIX.

285

material damage was done, they were remanded on board. Several letters
from Hampton mention the behaviour of the British, while there, as highly
meritorious, and contradict the vile calumnies of the Democratic print,
which Mr. Madison copies in his message to Congress.
This brief account of the conduct of your government and army, since
the commencement of hostilities (which might have been greatly extended), will fill the world with astonishment at the forbearance of Great
Britain, in suffering so many enormities, and such a determined departure
from the laws of civilized warfare, to pass so long without signal punishment.
Before finishing this letter, permit me, Sir, to remark, that the destruction of the public buildings at Washington entitled the British to your
gratitude and praise, by affording you a noble opportunity of proving
your devotion to your country. In former times, when you spoke of the
magnitude of your services, and the fervour of your patriotism, your
political enemies were apt to mention your elevated situation, and the
greatness of your salary. But, by presenting your library a free-will
offering to the nation, at this moment of uncommon pressure, when the
Treasury is empty, and every help to the acquisition of knowledge is so
very necessary to keep the government from sinking, you would have
astonished the world with one solitary action in your political life worthy of commendation.
Nor are your obligations to the British army unimportant, though you
have not aspired to generous praise. An opportunity has been given you
of disposing of a library at your own price, which, if sold volume by
volume, would have fetched nothing. You have, no doubt, seen that
old libraries do not sell well after the death of the proprietors ; and, with
a lively attention to your own interests, you take advantage of the
times.
I am, Sir,
With due consideration, &c.,
(Signed,) JOHN STRACHAN, D.D.,
Treasurer of the Loyal and Patriotic
Society of Upper Canada.
YORK, 30th January, 1815.

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287

si vaillamment notre sol contre l'invasion etrangere, comme a ceux

No. 2.
BATAILLE DE CHATEAUGUAY.
M. L'EDITEUR,-II y a cinquante ans que 300 braves donnaient a l'u-

nivers entier le spectacle d'un des plus beaux faits d'armes dont peut se
glorifier notre jeune pays. Sur la frentiere de leur patrie, animes du
courage chevaleresque que leur avait legue leurs ancetres et marchant sur
les pas de leur valeureux chef, De Salaberry, ils repoussent et mettent en
fuite une armee infiniment superieure quant au nombre et pleine de
l'orgueil que lni inspirait ses prouesses passees. Sans doute, Monsieur
l'editeur, vous avez dep., compris, et le victorieux nom de " Chateauguay"
est venu involontairement se placer sur vos levres, ce nom rempli d'emotions et tout palpitant d'interet, mais helas ! tombe dans l'oubli. Quoi I un
demi-siecle est a peine encore ecoule, nous possedons encore au milieu
de nous quelques uns de ces anciens veterans qui virent le drapeau etoile
s'enfuir devant la bravoure toute frangaise de nos " Voltigeurs," et neanmoins la plus belle page de notre histoire est ignoree par une grande
partie de la jeunesse canadienne. Cette memorable journee, qui fait palir l'assertion mensongere qui met en doute la bravoure et le courage du
Canadien-frangais, devrait etre gray& dans le cur de tout bon citoyen,
• et sa memoire consacree par quelque marque publique qui la transmettrait
a la posterite la plus reculee. Il y a quelques =lees, avec grande pompe,
on posait la premiere pierre d'un monument &eve au general Brock et a
son aide-de-camp, le colonel McDonald. Pourquoi le Bas-Canada ne
ferait-il pas ce qu'a fait le Haut ? Pourquoi un monument, temoignage
irrecusable de notre veneration, ne s'eleverait-il pas sur la tombe
du heros Canadien comme sur celle du Breton ? Est-ce qu'aux plaines
de Chateauguay ne se rattachent pas d'aussi glorieux souvenirs qu'aux
" Queenston's Heights ?" Oh ! oui, et cependant, sur le champ qui renferme les ossements de nos peres, l'eeil ne rencontre pas mem e la simple
petite croix de bois a laquelle le fils religieux peut aller suspendre une
couronne de laurier. Qu'on &eve done un marbre a ceux qui defendirent

tombès pour la defense de nos droits civils et politiques ; ou bien, mieux
encore, qu'un seul couvre leurs cendres a tons, et qu'il disc aux strangers
qui visitent le pays qu'arrosent le St. Laurent, l'Ottawa et le Saguenay,
que les Canadiens-frangais, eux aussi, ont eu dans le passe leurs braves
et leurs martyres.
CASTOR.

Montreal, 15 janvier 1863.
P.S. Ci-inclus, vous trouverez, M. l'editeur, le recit de revenement
memorable auquel je fais allusion dans la correspondance ci-dessus ; j'espere que vous le publierez, persuade qu'il sera lu avec le plus grand
plaisir par vos lecteurs. Je fais l'extrait suivant d'un ancien journal.
3 novembre 1813.
Comme un detail circonstancie de l'affaire recente sur la riviere de
Chateauguay pourrait ne pas deplaire a vos lecteurs, je vous prie d'inserer dans votre gazette l'ebauche suivante. Quelque diffuse et quelque
defectueuse qu'elle soit, comme description, elle a au moins le merite de
l'exactitude, ayant ete ecrite par un
TtMOIN OCIILAIRE.

L'armee americaine stationnee a Four Corners, sous le general Hampton, apres avoir si longtemps fixe l'attention de nos troupes, commengaenfin a s'approcher de nos frontieres, le 21 du mois dernier. Le male
jour, vers 4 heures de l'apres-midi, son avant-garde poussa notre piquet
stationne a Piper's Road, a environ dix lieues de l'eglise de Chateauguay. Aussitet que le major Henry, de la milice de Beauharnais, commandant a la riviere des Anglais, eat regu avis de l'approche de l'ennemi, it en informa he major De Watteville et fit avancer immediatement
les capitaines Levesque et Debartzch avec les compagnies du flan° An
5eme bataillon de la milice incorporde, et environ deux cents hommes de
in division de Beauharnais. Cette force s'avanga d'environ deux lieues
cette nuit-la, et s'arreta a l'entree d'un bois au travers duquel it n'aurait
pas ete prudent de passer. Le lendemain au matin, de bonne heure, ils

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APPENDIX.
APPENDIX.

furent joints par le lieut.-col. De Salaberry, avec ses Voltigeurs, et la
compagnie legêre du capitaine Ferguson, du regiment canadien. Le
lieut.-colonel De Salaberry remonta a Fes d'une lieue sur la rive gauche
de la riviere, a l'autre extremite, et une patrouille de l'ennemi s'etant
montree a quelque distance, il fit faire halte a sa petite force. Le lieutenant-colonel, qui avait eu l'avantage de reconnaitre tout le pays au-dessus
de Chateauguay dans une expedition sur la frontiêre americaine, quelques semaines auparavant, savait que le bord de la riviere ne pouvait
fournir une meilleure position. Le bois etait rempli de ravines profondes, sur quatre desquelles it etablit quatre lignes de defense, l'une apres
l'autre. Les premieres lignes etaient distantes l'une de l'autre d'environ
deux cents pas ; la quatriême etait a peu prês un demi-mille en arriere,
et commandait sur la rive droite de la riviere un gue qu'il etait três-important de defendre, afin de proteger la rive gauche. Il fit faire stir chacune des ces lignes une espece de parapet qui s'etendait a quelque distance dans le bois, pour garantir sa droite. Le parapet stir la premiere
ligne formait un angle obtus a la droite du chemin, et s'etendait le long
des detours du fosse. Toute cette premiere journee fut employee a fortifier cette position, qui, quant a la force, ne le cede a pas une de celles

qu'on aurait pu choisir. Elle avait aussi l'avantage de forcer l'ennemi,
s'il etait dispose a attaquer, de traverser une grande etendue de terrain
inhabite et de s'eloigner de ses ressources, tandis qu'au contraire nos
troupes avaient tout a souhait et etaient bien soutenues a l'arri Are.
La rive droite de la tiviere etait couverte d'un bois epais, et l'on cut
aussi coin de se mettre en garde aupres du gue, et l'on posta en avant de
l'autre un piquet de soixante hommes de la milice de Beauharnais.
Le lieutenant-colonel ne borna pas son attention aux ouvrages ci-dessus.
Pour assurer sa protection davantage, it ordonna a un parti de trente
bftcherons, de la division de Beauharnais, d'aller en avant de la premiere
ligne, afin de detruire les ponts, et de faire des abatis. En consequence,
thus les ponts furent detruits dans l'espace d'une lieue et demie, et il fut
fait un abatis formidable a environ un mine en avant de la premiere
ligne, s'etendant du bord de la riviere a trois ou quatre arpents dans le
bole, ou it joignait, cur la droite, tine terre marecageuse, ou savanne, par

289

laquelle it etait presque impossible de passer. les quatre lignes etaient

11'

ainsi completement a convert. On savait bien que l'ennemi avait une
dixaine de canons, et il lui devenait impossible de lee amener.
C'est a la force de la position choisie et fortifiee de la sorte, ainsi qu'a
Phdroisme de notre petite armee, que nous devons la victoire brillante qui
a ete obtenue. Les talents et l'habilete d'un officier commandant ne se
distinguent pas moins sans doute dans le choir de son terrain avant la
bataille, que dans la disposition de ses troupes au fort de la mêlée, et l'on
ne fera que rendre justice au lieutenant-colonel De Salaberry en disant que
lui seul doit etre lone de l'arrangement admirable etabli pour la defense
de son poste.
Aprês que le colonel De Salaberry cut fait ces dispositions judicieuses,
le major-general De Watteville vint voir son camp, et lui fit l'honneur
d'approuver tout ce qu'il avait fait.
Quoique les abatis eussent ete acheves le second, on tint continuellement
en cet endroit des partis de travailleurs, afin de le rendre encore plus formidable ; on envoya des troupes en avant pour les proteger, et il y avait
toujours en outre a l'arriere un piquet nombreux. Le 29 du moil passe,
vers dix heures du matin, une avant-garde de l'ennemi vint a port& de
mousquet de l'abatis. Le lieutenant Guy, des Voltigeurs, qui etait en
front avec une vingtaine de see hommes, fut contraint de reculer apres
avoir echange quelques coups de fusils, et fut soutenu par le lieutenant
Johnson, du mese corps, qui commandait le piquet a l'arriëre des travailleurs, qui se virent dans la necessite de retraiter et ne se remirent pas a
l'ouvrage de tout le jour.
Des que le lieutenant-colonel De Salaberry cut entendu le feu, il partit
du front de la premiere ligne. Il prit avec lui trois compagnies du capitaine Ferguson, du regiment canadien, qu'il deploya A, la droite et a l'avant
de l'abatis ; celle du capitaine J. B. Duchesnay, a qui il ordonna d'occuper
la gauche, en s'etendant en meme temps du cote de la riviere, et celle du
capitaine Juchereau Duchesnay qui, avec environ 50 ou 60 miliciens de
Beauharnais, fut placee derriêre, en potence, a la gauche de l'abatis, de
maniere a pouvoir prendre l'ennemi en flanc, s'il avangait contre la milice
de Beauharnais, sur la rive droite de la riviere. J'oubliais de dire qu'il

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APPENDIX.

y avait environ une vingtaine de sauvages avec les hommes de In compagnie du capitaine Ferguson sur la droite. Le lieutenant-colonel se
plaga au centre de la ligne du front. II royait alors devant lui un ennemi
avec lequel i1 s'etait deux fois efforce d'en venir aux prises depuis le commencement de cette campagne ; l'occasion taut degree se presentait, et
l'evenement a montre comment it a su en profiter. Entre l'abatis et al
premiere ligne etaient placees in companie de Voltigeurs du capitaine
Ecuyer et in compagnie legere du capitaine Debartzch, du 5me bataillon
de la milice incorporee, ayant leurs piquets de flanc sur in droite. Un
gros corps de sauvages, sous le capitaine Lamothe, etait repandu dans le
bois, a la droite du capitaine Debartzch. Le lieutenant-colonel McDonell,
de l'infanterie legêre de Glengarry, se transporta, avec une partie de sa
brigade legere, de la 3me et 4me lignes a la ire et la 2me. Tous ces
mouvements se firent avec une grande rapidite.
Sur ces entrefaites, l'ennemi commenga a se former dans une grande
plaine qui aboutissait presque a une pointe en front de l'abatis. Le general Hampton commandait en personne sur la rive gauche de la riviere ;
it avait avec lui le lOme, le 31me et autres regiments, faisant enviren
trois mille ou trois mille cinq cents hommes, avec trois escadrons de cavalarie et quatre pieces d'artillerie. Neanmoins, l'artillerie ne fut pas employee
dans faction. Un gros parti de l'ennemi, se montant a environ quinze
cents hommes, penetra a travers les bois sur la rive droite de la riviere ;
it etait compose du 4me, 33me, 35me, et des bataillons de Chasseurs volontains. Le reste de Vann& americaine se formait derriere la force qui
etait sur la rive gauche.
Peu apres que le colonel De Salaberry out fait lee dispositions, comme
on a déjà dit, une forte colonne d'infanterie s'avanga par la plaine au
devant de la, et le colonel, voyant que cette colonne s'etait expos& a etre
prise en front et en flanc, avantage qu'il avait attendu quelque temps, it
tira le premier, et l'on s'apergut que son feu avait jetê bas un officier a
cheval ; c'etait un bon augure. Alors it ordonna an trompette de sonner
in charge, et aussitOt les compagnies du front firent un feu vif et bien
dirige qui arreta quelques minutes in marche de l'ennemi. Il demeura
quelque temps en repos, puis, faisant un tour a gauche, it se forma en

APPENDIX.

291

ligne, et dans cette position, lAcha plusieurs volees. Neanmoins, par ce
mouvement, le feu de la gauche de sa ligne porta entierement sur la partie du bois qui n'etait pas °coup& par nos troupes ; mais le feu de sa
droite fut assez fort pour obligor nos piquets a venir chercher un abri
derriere l'abatis. L'ennemi prit ce mouvement pour le commencement
d'une retraite, et fat bien trompe, car it ne put s'emparer d'un pouce de
l'abatis. Les huzzas retentissaient d'un bout a l'autre de son armee:
mais nous ne lui cectimes pas memo dans le combat de cris ; nos compagnies du front crierent a leur tour, et lee huzzas furent repetes par cellos
de la queue, et ensuite par les troupes de in premiere ligne, qui fit jouer les
trompettes dans toutes les directions pour porter l'ennemi a croire que
nous &ions en plus grand nombre. Cette ruse de guerre eat l'effet desire,
car nous avons ensuite appris des prisonniers qu'ils estimaient notre
force a 6 ou 7000 hommes. Apres ces clamours mutuelles, on tira pendant quelques volees de part et d'autre. L'ennemi n'essaya pas une
fois de penetrer dans l'abatis. Il continua cependant son feu, qui fut
rendu a propos, particulierement par ceux de in gauche. Peu apres,
it commenga a se ralentir, comme si l'attention de l'ennemi eat ete dirigee
de l'autre, cad de la riviere. La les trompettes, qui etaient au front,
donnerent le signal d'avancer, en consequence de quelques manoeuvres, et
le lieutenant-colonel McDonell, curieux d'ajouter de nouveaux lauriers a
ceux qu'il avait déjà cueillis a Ogdensburgh, vint de In premiere et
seconde ligne avec la compagnie du capitaine Levesque, comme je crois,
et une autre.
Vers la fin de l'engagement sur in rive gauche, l'ennemi qui, sur in
droite, avait fait reculer lee miliciens de Beauharnais, commenga sur notre
gauche un feu vif, qui lui fut rendu par la gauche de in compagnie du
capt. J. B. Duchesnay et la droite de cello du capitaine Juchereau Duchesnay. Alors le lieutenant-colonel De Salaberry ordonna au lieutenantcolonel McDonell, qui avait repris sa position, d'empecher l'ennemi
d'avancer. Le capitaine Daly, qui fut choisi pour ce service, traversa au
gue, emmena avec lui lee restes de la milice sedentaire de l'autre cote, et
s'avanga avec rapidite le long de in riviere.
Le feu de l'ennemi ayant presque cesse a l'abatis, et le lieutenant-

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APPENDIX.

colonel De Salaberry voyant que l'action allait devenir serieuse sur la
droite, laissa sa situation au centre du front et se plaga sur la gauche
avec les troupes jetees derriere en potence. La, it monta sur un gros
tronc d'arbre, et quoique tree-expose au feu de Pennemi, l'examina de
sang-froid avec la longue-vue. Alors, it donna ses ordres en frangais au
capitaine Daly, et lui enjoignit de repondre dans la meme langue, afin
de n'etre pas entendu de l'ennemi. Le capitaine Daly poussa vaillamment lee ennemis devant lui pendant quelque temps ; mais, se ralliant sur
leurs troupes de derriere, qui etaient presque en ligne avec la force cur
la rive gauche, ils attendirent son approche et le regurent avec un feu bien
entretenu. II fut blesse des l'abord ; nonobstant sa blessure, it continua
de pousser en avant avec sa compagnie, et dans le temps qu'il encourageait ses hommes, et par ses paroles et par son exemple, it fut blesse
pour la seconde fois et tomba. Le capitaine Bruyere, de la milice de
Beauharnais, fut aussi blesse dans le meme temps, mais legerement.
Leurs hommes, n'etant plus en etat de resister a une force si supericure, furent contraints de reculer, ce qui se fit dans une fort bon ordre,
sous le commandement du lieutenant Schiller ; et l'on entendit, encore
une fois, les cris joyeux des ennemis, mais leur joie fut celle d'un moment ; car ils ne furent pas plutOt arrives vis-a-vis de la potence, que,
par l'ordre du lieutenant-colonel De Salaberry, lee troupes qui se trouvaient la firent cur eux un feu vif et bien dirige, qui les arreta tout-a-coup
dans leur marche hardie et les mit dans la plus grande confusion. Vainement tacherent-ils de resister ; ils se disperserent et retraiterent avec
precipitation. II etait alors environ deux heures et demie de Papres-midi ;
et le general Hampton, voyant que ses troupes sur la rive droite ne reussissaient pas miens que celles de la rive gauche, ordonna a ces dernieres
de retraiter, apres etre demeurees inactives pendant pres d'une heure,
bien qu'elles fussent assaillies de temps a autre par nos escarmoucheurs,
qui etaient parfaitement a convert dans l'abatis. Nos troupes resterent
dans leur position et coucherent, cette nuit-la, sur le terrain qu'elles avaient
occupe durant la journee. Le lendemain, au point du jour, elles furent
renforcees par la compagnie de Voltigeurs du capitaine Rouville et la compagnie de grenadiers du capitaine Levesque, du 5me bataillon de la milice

APPENDIX.

293

incorporee, et de soixante hommes de la division de Beauharnais, le tout
sous le commandement du lieutenant-colonel McDonell. Ce fut a cet
officier distingue que le lieutenant-colonel De Salaberry confia le soin de
la defense de l'abatis. On poussa des piquets a deux miles plus avant
qu'on avait encore fait; la journee se passa dans l'attente d'une seconde
attaque, mais nul ennemi ne se montra. See piquets etaient post& de
telle sorte qu'une vingtaine d'hommes tomberent entre nos mains sur la
rive droite de la riviêre. On trouva aussi, sur cette meme rive, une grande
quantite de fusils, de tambours, de havresacs, de provisions, etc. Tout
indiquait fortement dans quel desordre l'ennemi avait ete jets et avait
effectue ea retraite. Nos troupes enterrerent plus de 40 de leurs gene,
outre ceux qu'ils enterrerent eux-memes, et parmi lesquels se trouvaient
deux ou trois officiers de distinction. On trouva deux chevaux morts sur
la rive gauche, et l'ennemi emmena dans des charriots plusieurs de ses
blesses de ce cote de la riviêre.
Le 28 au matin, le capitaine Lamothe, avec environ 150 sauvages, alla
reconnaitre l'ennemi, qui, suivant le rapport du colonel Hughes, des
ingenieure, avait abandonne son camp le jour precedent. Un parti des
miliciens de Beauharnais, soutenu par le capitaine Debartzch, brfila
et detruisit les pouts nouvellement eriges a un mine de l'ennemi, qui
avait transporte son camp a environ une demi-lieue de Piper's Road,
c'est-a-dire a environ deux lieues de sa premiere position. Le capitaine
Lamothe penetra dans le bois avec ses sauvages, et malgre Pinferiorite
de sa force, cet officier actif et zele engagea un combat partiel avec Pennemi, qui cut un homme We et sept blesses.
Le 30, un parti de chasseurs sauvages, sous le capitaine Ducharme,
donna avis que l'ennemi avait, le 29, abandonne son camp a Piper's Road
dans le plus grand desordre, et etait sur le chemin des Quatre-Fourches.
Ici finit l'expedition du general Hampton contre le Bas-Canada. Je
me suis etendu dans la description de la scene du combat, de la position
et des mouvements des troupes engagees, sans craindre de Lasser la patience du lecteur. Sur un tel sujet, Pattente empress& d'un public canadien recherchera naturellement avec anxiete toute espece d'information,
et dans un demele aussi difficile et aussi memorable, il n'est pas

294

295

APPENDIX.

APPENDIX.

de circonstance, quelque petite qu'elle snit, qui n'ait son inter& particulier.
D'apres toutes les informations qu'on a pu tirer des prisonniers,
parait que l'intention de l'ennemi etait de s'avancer par la riviere de
Chateauguay jusqu'aux bords du St. Laurent, pour y attendre la co-operation du general Wilkinson, qui devait prendre Kingston dans sa route
en descendant;

Les lieutenants Guy et Johnson, des Voltigeurs, formêrent leurs piquets
sur la ligne de defense, apres qu'ils se furent retires, et se conduisirent
avec une grande bravoure dUrant tout l'engagement. Le capitaine
Ecuyer, des Voltigeurs, et le lieut. Powell, de la compagnie du capitaine Levesque, se sont fait beaucoup d'honneur par leurs efforts pour

" Rusticus expectat dum defluat amnis."
On a aussi appris des prisonniers que la force de l'ennemi se montait
7,000 hommes d'infanterie, 400 de cavalerie et 10 ou 12 pieces de canon.
Le lecteur eloigne ou imbu de prejuges ne croira pout-etre pas que toute
la force engagee de notre cote n'excedait pas 300 hommes; mais c'est le
fait ; nous l'affirmons sans crainte d'être contredit. Le reste de notre
armee etait en reserve par derriere.
Il est tout-A-fait flatteur do pouvoir ajouter que ces trois cents hommes
et leur brave commandant ótaient tous Canadiens, l'exception du brave
capitaine Ferguson, de trois hommes de sa compagnie et de trois officiers appartenant a d'autres corps. Qu'on le disc toutes les foil qu'on
fora mention de la bataille de Chateauguay, et it faudra que le prejuge
cache sa tete hideuse et quo les murmures de la malveillance soient
etouffes par la honte et la confusion.
Les officiers et soldats engages dans cette journee memorable se sont
thus converts de gloire. Le capitaine Ferguson, de l'infanterie legere du
regiment canadien, et les deux capitaines Duchesnay se swat grandement
distingues dans le commandement de leurs compagnies respectives et en
executant plusieura mouvements difficiles avec autant de sang-froid et de
precision qu'en un jour de parade. La bravoure du capitaine Daly, de
la brigade de flanc de la milice, qui conduisit, a la lettre, sa compagnie au
milieu des ennemis, ne pouvait etre surpassee. On n'a pas mins
remarque, dans ce combat severe, le courage et la bravoure du capitaine
Lamothe, du departement des sauvages, du lieutenant Pinguet, de
l'infanterie legêre canadienne, du lieutenant et adjudant Hebben, des
Voltigeurs, du lieutenant Schiller, de la compagnie du capitaine Daly.

it

.

s'assurer des prisonniers dans les boil, en s'exposant a un peril imminent.
Les capitaines Longtin et Huneau, de in milice de Beauharnais, se sont
fait remarquer par leur bonne conduite ; le premier se mit a genoux an
commencement de l'action, fit une courte priere avec ses hommes, et
leur dit, en se relevant, gu' a present gu'ils avaient rempli leur devoir
envers leur Dieu, ils faisaient leur devoir pour leur Roi. Louis Lan.
glade, Noel Annance et Barlet Lyons, du departement des sauvages,
4taient dans l'action du 26 et l'affaire du 28. Leur conduite a etc reinarguable durant tout ce temps.
Je ne passerai pas sous silence les noms des soldats Vincent, Pelletier,
Vervain, Dubois et Caron, des Voltigeurs, dont quelques-uns traverserent
la riviere a la nage, et firent prisonniers ceux qui refusaient de se rendre.
A l'egard du lieutenant-colonel De Salaberry, le plus egoiste doit avouer
que ses services importants le rendent digne des remerciments et de la
reconnaissance de sa patrie.
On ne sait ce qu'on doit admirer d'avantage, ou son courage personnel
comme individu, ou son habilete et ses talents comme commandant.
Nous le voyons, longtemps avant le combat, montrer le plus profond
jugement dans le choir de sa position et la fortifier ensuite par tons lea
moyens que lui suggerent sa sagacite. Nous le voyons, an fort de l'action,
embrasser tout par des vues grandes et &endues, defendant chaque point,
et pourvoyant a tout accident. Mais son merite et celui de sa petite
armee devient encore plus eclatant quand nous reflechissons a Petat critique des temps, immediatement avant cette brillante victoire. Les
affaires paraissaient desesperees dans le Haut-Canada ; le decouragement
commengait a faire sentir sea tristes effets; on nous avait meme dit, sous
haute autorite, " que tres-probablement, le moment approchait oil it
" serait finalement determine si l'attente presomptueuse de l'ennemi
" devait etre realisee par l'invasion et la conquete de cette province, ou

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APPENDIX.

" s'il ne devait trouver que la (Waite dans son entreprise." Ce moment
est passe : les amis de leur pays se le rappeleront avec reconnaissance;
l'aspect des affaires est change. L'ennemi, pour nous servir d'une phrase
a la mode, a bien " pollue notre sol," mais it a ete repousse par un commandant Canadien, a la tete d'une troupe de Canadiens qui ne se montait
pas a la vingtiême partie de la force qui leur etait opposee.

- r-,
o9orti1T effsbloa bautos
ited
,