Title

Chapter 2

Identifier

http://www.nflibrary.ca/nfplindex/show.asp?b=1&ref=oo&id=298020

page

78-161

Bibliographic Citation

History of the late war between Great Britain and the United States of America / David Thompson.

10168089

History of the late war between Great Britain and the United States of America / David Thompson.

Type

Text

extracted text

78

HISTORY OF

THE LATE WAR.

During these hostile preparations on the part of
America, a circumstance transpired which exhibited the
political perfidy of the French government Lwards that
of the United States, in bold relief; and if America had
not been actuated by other motives than those which she
had labored so assiduously to palm upon the world as the
main spring of her actions, it would have completely
changed the tenor of her policy towards England

other government than that of the United
at
that time—an opinion at which the president appears
obliquely to have glanced.'

,

Despatches were received from Paris, by the United
States minister in London, amongst which was the
repeal of the Berlin and Milan decrees by tha French
ruler, as far as related to the commerce of America ; and
however such a breach of faith might shock the feelings
of an honest mind, this revocation, notwithstanding it
was not received until May, 1812, was dated as far back
as April, 1811. That the declaration of the British
government, holding forth that as soon as the French
decrees should be rescinded unconditionally, the British
Orders in Council should from that moment be extinct,
was the means of extorting the French repeal, there
remained not the slightest shadow of a doubt; and in
order to cover the deceit, antedated the repeal to 1811.
For two years prior to this period had the French government refused, in the most insulting manner, any
explanation on the subject of her decrees, or of their
repeal towards America ; although, during that whole
tin - America, on her part, had been negotiating on the
st%J ect ; and, strange to tell, Buonaparte now, in May,
1812, eomes forward with his abrogation of those decrees, antedated no less than thirteen months, and even
having reference to 1810, a period of two years previous
to its promulgation, when he pretended to have rescinded those decrees as far as America was concerned..
Such a glaring insult on the honor and faith of nations
was probably never offered by one governinen t to another,
and would not, perhaps, have been received by any
-

.

79
.

After closing a career of the most unwearied and
assiduous inquiries into the Orders in Council, by the
committee appointed for that purpose, Mr. Brougham,
the original mover for iinquiry into these orders, moved a
second time that these orders should be repealed. Nothing new was adduced in argument on the subject, as
in the previous debate all general topics had been
exhausted, if we except the disclosures made in the
late tedious investigation which was now presented
to undergo the consideration of the House of Commons.
Mr. Brougham, however, ini moving the repeal, made
an elaborate speech ; he went on to state, that the
Orders in Council had always been defended on the
supposed necessity of affording relief to the commerce
and industry of the country ; yet the people had now
come to implore parliament to abandon them to the hostilities, and spare them the merciless kindness under
which they were groaning. Upon the vote of the
House the destiny of thousands depended; and if the
legislature should say no to the petitions against the
Orders in Council, multitudes of hungry men must be
let loose upon the country, who would either find food
or perish. Commercial capital had been universally
locked up; men of great nominal wealth were living
without income, trading, or seeming to trade, without
•Our affair§ with Prance retain the posture which they held at
my last communications to you. Notwithstanding the authorised
expectation of an early as well as favorable issue to the discussions on foot, these have been procrastinated to the latest
date. The only interveni .goccurrence meriting attention, is the
promulgation of a French decree purporting to be a definitive
repeal of the Berlin and Milan decrees. This proceeding, althogh
made the ground work of the British Orders in Council, is rendered, by the time and manner of it, liable to many objections.

President's Message, 4th Noe. 1812.

HISTORY OF

THE LATE WAR.

profit ; numbers of workmen had been dismissed—those
who remained were earning only the half or quarter of
their' wages; even parish rates were increasing, charitable supplies failing, from the reduced means of the
higher classes, and the augmented claims on their bounty. But the most prominent feature in this case, was
the impending necessity of instantaneously disbanding
those, who were now detained only in the hopes of a
favorable decision of parliament.

table witness before the committee that the re-exportation
never exceeded one-thirteenth of the whole value; and,
of course, that the losses of the trade to North America
had not, in any way, been compensated by the supposed
increase in the commerce carried on to the other parts of
the world, the trade of which, we should at any rate
have been able to command.

SO

,

The Orders in Council had an operation in producing
distress, much more enlarged than many persons were
willing to believe ; the army in the Peninsula was fed
from America ; the embargo in that country had raised
the price of flour in the Lisbon market above fifty per
cent ; and had occasioned, in one morning, an export
from London of six thousand barrels to supply the Portuguese market. No attempt had been made by the
supporters of the Orders in Council, to meet the evidence
which so fully established the distresses of the country ;
that they had contented themselves with a reference to
the custom-house books—a criterion that might be resorted to, when no better evidence could be had, but
which is always suspicious, and, in the present instance,
had been superceded by the most melancholy disclosures.
But even the custom-house books indicated a great and
unexampled depression of trade. Nor was there any
reason for believing that, for the loss of the trade of
the United States, compensation had been obtained in
other quarters, since the custom-house books themselves
exhibited a general falling off of the trade of the whole
country. The market of South America, instead of
having increased the valuable commerce of the country,
had introduced a spirit of speculation which had brought
ruin on'all those who had ventured to indulge in it. It
was a great fallacy to suppose that any considerable
proportion of the goods imported into the United States
from Great Britain, was re-exported to South America
and the West Indies, since it had been proved by a respec-

SI

The home market had also suffered severely by the
glut occasioned in all those articles which had formerly
been destined for exportation ; and that even of the
home trade which still remained, the greatest part depended on the extravagant demands of that great and
unprofitable consumer, the government. The repeal of
the Orders in Council, so far from being injurious to
the stability of our maritime rights, and of the naval
power which protects them, seemed essential to their
preservation. The paper blockades, as they were called,
were contrary to law, and had never been recognised in
any of the courts. Although the Orders in Council
were repealed, and although England were to relinquish for the present the rights on which they are
founded, it would not follow that she could never
again enforce them.

-

At the peace of Utrecht, after a war of unexampled
success, and a series of uninterrupted triumphs, in
which the power of England was extended and confirmed, and France and her allies humbled to the dust, we
gave up for a time, the principle that free ships should
not make free goods; and during the American war, we
relinquished what is called the rule of the war, 1756,
yet without ultimately abandoning either of these principles. Every right may be abandoned for the sake of
expediency, and resumed when this reason ceases.
The loss which was sustained by the obstinate exercise
of this right, in the present instance, was enormous ;
and that the American market was at stake—a market
which takes off about thirteen millions of our manufa..-

82

HISTORY OF

tures, and in steadiness and regularity is unrivalled. By
refusing to the Americans the market of England from
which to purchase, we were driving them to supply
themselves ; and there was no branch of their commerce which had not now, to a certain degree, been
improved ; many branches of their manufactures had
been created since 1807, and all were rapidly springing
up to maturity. The dread of losing a market, such as
that of America, was quite rational, while the fear entratained by the supporters of the Orders in Council,
ttiat the capital, industry and skill of England might be
outdone by France, was altogether contemptible. There
was no danger of any loss of honor by seeking to conciliate America ; that Great Britain never stood so high
as she now did, in point of military character ; that she
had it in abundance, and even to spare ; that the events
of the war had not merely sustained the ancient fame of
the nation—they had done what seemed scarcely possible—they had greatly increased it; they had covered
the British arms with immortal renown ; and the government was bound to profit by the proud height on
which Great Britain stood, for the purposes of peace and
conciliation with America.

TT

...AT& WAR.

83

CHAPTER XI.

Discussions on the Orders in Council continued--Repeal
of the Orders in Council officially promulgated under
certain Conditions—Re-election of Mr. Madison as
United States President.
PRIOR to this period, the British government had determined upon some arrangement, on this subject, which
would, at all events, impart tranquility, if not relief to the
country from the distresses under which they suffered, and
would at the same time evince the desire of ministers to
accomplish that great object so ardently sought after. It
was thought, therefore, unnecessary to enter into an enlarged debate on the merits of the question ; a debate,
which under existing circumstances would certainl y have
been superfluous ; however, before going into any explanation in the House, as to the features of the arrangements in contemplation, Lord Castlereagh deemed it
necessary, after so much had been said, to defend the
principles upon which the Orders in Council had originally been established. He said" on such an important
subject, he felt anxious to offer to the House the reasons which appeared to him conclusive against the
address. He lamented the precipitation of the honorable
and learned gentlemen in bringing forward this motion ;
a precipitation injurious to his own cause. This was
the more to be regretted, as the evidence went to such
a great extent. He was sorry that the honorable and
learned gentleman, even for the sake of his own character, should have so much departed from all parliamentary
practice, and should have pressed to a hasty discussion a
subject, than which one more vital never came before parliament. He deprecated any interference, on the part
of the House, in a question of great national importanoe,

86

HISTORY OF

THE LATE WAR.

involving unquestionably commercial considerations of
the most serious nature, but mixed up also with considerations of maritime right.

the principle of coercing France, and driving her from
the system of misrule which she had so extensively
exercised. As directed against France, this system had
obtained its object to a letter. Never was a country
more commercially depressed than France. By the official documents of the French government, it appeared,
that the whole extent of the manufactures and produce
of that country, with her population of thirty-six millions, consumed internally as well as exported, did not
equal the simple exports of other nations. In the year
before last, they did not exceed £54,600,000 sterling,
while ours amounted to £66,000,000. Never, therefore, would he cease to contend, that the system of his
late right honorable friend originated as much in wisdom
as in justice. Even with the loss of the American
market, (which he maintained we ought not to have
lost,) let the House compare the situation in which the
British empire was, with that in which it might have
been, but for the Orders in Council. This country
(with the exception of the last year, the deficiency of
which was occasioned by temporary causes,) exhibited
to the world a spectacle of a nation struggling amidst
the efforts of war, and rising in wealth and commercial
prosperity and grandeur. Indeed, a great part of the
deficiency of the last year was occasioned by the preceding extraordinary and unnatural prosperity.

)34

It was certainly not out of the absolute province of
parliament to interfere on such an occasion; but it had
always been extremely averse, pending a negotiation on
a delicate subject, to dictate to the executive government the course which it ought to pursue. He admitted
that the honorable and learned gentleman had made out
a grave case of national distress, as affecting the manufactures of the country. Nay, he further admitted
that there existed a reasonable ground to believe, that
if the American market was not opened within a limited
period, the pressure would be increased. But, notwithstanding this admission, it is to be hoped that honorable
members will not permit their imaginations to stray so
widely with his learned and honorable friend, as to conceive that the general commerce and manufactures of
the empire were in a state of decay and perishment.
He felt acutely for the distresses, and he declared that
he had never met with more fair and liberal men than
the individuals sent by those manufacturers to represent their case to parliament. He conceded to the
honorable and learned gentleman, that if Great Britain
repealed her Orders in Council, America might be disposed to abrogate her non-importation act ; but he
contended that, on a retrospect of the past, he was by
no means prepared to say that it would have been wise
to have kept possession of the American market, by
airstaining from those measures ; an abstinence which
would have exposed the commerce of this country to all
the evils with which it had been threatened by France.
in justice, however, Great Britain ought to have retained
possession of the American market, notwithstanding the
system which she had adopted towards France—a system
which he admitted was not justifiable on principles of
commercial policy, but which was most completely justifiable on the principle in which it originated, namely,

With that exception, the commerce of the country,
all but that which related to America, had increased in
an accumulating ratio, beyond what it had ever been in
ti mes of peace. And even in continental Europe, our
commerce, notwithstanding the efforts of the scourge of
the continent, had grown to a considerable extent, particularly since the issuing of the Orders in Council.
The average of our annual exports to the Continent,
during the three years preceding the Orders in Council,
was Z17,000,000. The annual average of the three years
subsequent to the Orders in Council, was L23,000,000,

III8TORY

86

O5

being an increase of six millions annually. Even the
exports to America, prior to the last year, so far from
decaying, had considerably increased. The average of
the annual exports to America, including the West
Indies, during the three years immediately preceding the
last year, [1811;1 was £22,000,000 ; the annual average, during the three years preceding those three years,
was only 219,500,000.
The present distress of those manufacturing districts
most connected with America, was in a great degree
attributable to the benevolent feelings of the master
manufacturers, who had expended their fortunes in
keeping their men employed on the same scale during
the last year as they had done during the three years
preceding. He had always denied that the present system
was adopted from any unworthy motive of national gain.
It rested on the firm ground of national defence. It
rested on the principle, that as the enemy wielded his
utmost extent of power against the prosperity of the
British empire, we had a right to wield the utmost
extent Of our power against the prosperity of France.
He stated it in vindication of the character of the country and of the government, that no councils had ever
been more honorably and faithfully directed to apply the
system of retaliation successfully to the enemy, but in a
way as little obnoxious as possible to the neutral. Va•i ous had been the modifications resorted to for this
latter purpose ; and particularly the order of 1 GO 9
the blockade to France and the countries immediately
under the power of her arms.
.

A.dverting, to the system of licenses, he maintained
that the honorable and learned gentleman had fallen
into a great error on the subject. The licenses connected
with the system of blockade, did not form a fifth of the
license system of the country. We had a right, by our
licenses, to avail ourselves of the relief which the enemy
required ; and we had never done this to the injury of

TILE LATE WAR.

neutrals, who had enjoyed as much facility in sailing
from our ports as our own merchant vessels. But it was
not with the license system that America quarrelled.
We had expressed our readiness to return, if America
wished it, to the strict measure of 1807, provided she
rescinded the act prohibitory of our commerce.
He was anxious to call the attention of the House to
some circumstances which had occurred since the last
discussions on the subject, and since the issuing the
Prince Regent's proclamation in April. It had been
asked in that House, in what way he understood the
French decree recently communicated to government by
the American minister ? He had no hesitation in replying that, in his opinion, it by no means satisfied the
regent's declaration, which required the unqualified and
unconditional repeal of the Berlin and Milan decrees,
as the condition of rescinding the Orders in Council.
The day on which he had received that decree, was
the very day on which the House of Commons had
been pleased, by its vote, virtually to dissolve the administration ; and therefore it was not until the last
three or four days, that the present government, considering themselves as a government, had deliberated
upon the subject. On the face of this instrument,
however, he had no difficulty in repeating that it appeared
insufficient, and was accompanied with circumstances
of great distrust and suspicion. It was difficult also to
say, whether this decree had not been completely
revoked by the sweeping declaration of the Duke of
Bassano, that the Berlin and Milan decrees would zemain
in full force until the maritime assumptions of this
country should he abandoned. There, therefore, must
exist considerable doubts on the subject. Nevertheless,
it might not be unwise to put the country in a situation
to receive explanations upon it.
If the American government should be found disposed
to make representations to France, to induce her to satisfy

SR

HISTORY 0 F

the just expectations contained in His Royal Highness
the Prince Regent's Proclamation, Great Britain would
be disposed to consent to the suspension, for a limited
period, of the restrictive system of both countries ; or, in
other words, she would consent to suspend the Orders in
Council, if America would consent to suspend her nonimportation act. The experiment might then be tried of the
practicability of restoring things to their ancient system.
if by an act of temper and conciliation, not incompatible
with the safety of the country, an inducement could
be held out to France, in the paroxysm of her power,
to return to that system, a departure from which, had
been destructive of her own commerce, it would be an act
redounding to our honor. Should the event be favorable, the advantage would be great to all parties. Should
it be unfavorable, we must return to our present retaliatory system, if this effort on our part were not met with
a correspondent feeling on the part of America, opportunities would be afforded, in the absence of irritation, of
fairly considering those circumstances which might restore and cement that friendship which ought always to
be maintained between the two countries ; and which it
was the curse of both had ever been interrupted.
If, by the fatal perseverance of France, Great Britain
should be driven to re-adopt her retaliatory system,
means might be adopted, without endangering its efficacy
against the enemy, of rendering it less obnoxious to
America. He concurred with the honorable and learned
gentleman, that it would be a most unworthy and unwise
policy in this country, to allow itself to be provoked by
the irritation which America had evinced. Was it not
the part of a great empire like Great Britain to adopt a
conciliatory course of conduct towards America, even at
the time when her tone (although he trusted it would
not lead to absolute war,) sufficiently marked the hostile disposition of her councils ? Although he did not
wish to be too sanguine as to the result of his experiment, yet, persuaded as he was that there had been

THE LATE WAR.

89

moments of such great inconvenience to France, that had
she not cherished hopes of final success from the occurrence of certain circumstances in this country, she would
willingly have abandoned her projects, he could not
help entertaining an expectation that she might be induced to return to the ancient system. Under all these
circumstances, he trusted the House would not consent
to the address. He would content himself with moving
the order of the day. Were the documents illustrativ e
of the negotiation between this country and America
on the table, he should call for a distinct negative to the
motion; but as they were not, so he did not wish to
extract from the House any vote which would imply
their approbation of the conduct of His Majesty's gov
emment in that negotiation.
On account of the information contained in the preceding speech delivered by Lord Castlereah, the motion
for rescinding the Orders in Council was withdrawn, on
condition that in the next Gazette an official instrument
on the subject should make its appearance.
In the next Gazette, according to promise, appeared

the instrument alluded to, which went on to state that,
by a previous declaration of the 1st of April, 1812, the
repeal of the Orders in Council should take place so
soon as a formal revocation of the French decrees was
announced ; that a communication had been made by
the American charge des affairs to Lord Castlereah, of .a
copy of the alleged instrument of repeal by the French
government ; and although this revocation was not such
as to satisfy the conditions required by His Royal Highness, the Prince Regent's declaration, yet as Great
Britain was anxious to replace on its ancient basis the
commerce of neutral nations, the Orders in Council of
7th January, 1807, and of 26th April, 1809, were then
fore suspended as far as regarded American prop .t)
from the 1st of August following
H2

90

IIISTORY OF

But in consequence of the exclusion of British ships
of war from the ports and harbors of the United States,
while those of her enemy were freely admitted, and as
all commercial intercourse between Great Britain and
the United States of America was prohibited by the
latter, while she pursued a trade with France and her
dependencies, so far as the effects of the British Orders
in Council could be eluded—it was declared that if the
American government should not, after the regular
communication of this document , alter its policy, then
the repeal of the Orders in Council should not take
effect. It was likewise provided in the same document,
that all seizures of American vessels and property subsequent to the date of the communication relative to the
repeal of the French decrees, should not be condemned ;
and it was expressly reserved on the part of the British
government, should circumstances require such a procedure, a revival of the Orders in Council and the adoption of such other measures of retaliation as the security
of British commerce and of her maritime rights should
appear from time to time to demand.
Such was the conciliatory conduct of the British
government towards that of the United States, that the
Orders in Council, which were undoubtedly of the
..reatest political importance to that country under existing circumstances, were in a great measure abandoned ;
and notwithstanding, it was the general impression
amongst the most enlightened part of community, that
the desires of America were unbounded, so would also
her demands be unbounded ; and that, at each succeeding concession on the part of the British government,
the demands of America would become doubly imperious; yet it was expedient to manifest to those who were
of the opinion that the Orders in Council were the solo
cause of the commercial distresses of the country, an
anxiety to go as far as the honor of the British nation and the security of her maritime rights would
permit, to purchase their relief, or at least to tran-

TfIE LATE WAR.

91

quilize their minds on the subject. It was strongly
suspected too, that as regarded the non-importation act of
the United States upon British commerce, that America
would not be disposed to concede an inch of ground ;
although, on the other hand, it was thought that the
repeal of the Orders in Council, to which America had
as yet principally confined herself, would be but a prelude to claims of a more extraordinary nature, as America
evidently was but a tool in the hands of the ruler of
France for that purpose. However, it was the wish of
all parties to make a fair trial ; as the refusal of
America to meet Great Britain upon honorable terms,
would virtually of itself render the repeal of the Orders in Council invalid. Mr. Madison had by this time
secured for four years longer the presidential chair, and
the faction of which he was the head, had so far predominated over the more sensible part of that country, as to
obtain the ends for which they so long and so ardently
sought,

92

THE LATE WAR.

HISTORY OF

CHAPTER XII.
Declaration of War against Great Britain by the Government of the United States—Extract from the President's Message, approving of the Measure—Several
State Legislatures remonstrate against it—Means employed by the Governor in Chief of Canada for the
Defence of the Provinces under his Command.
,

WHILE the government and people of England were anxiously looking forward to the pacific effect the repeal of the
Orders in Council would have on America, notwithstanding the unfavourable predictions to the contrary, the news
arrived that the President had approved of an act of congress formally declaring war against Great Britain. This
act had been preceded by a most inflammatory message
from the President, in which the British government was
accused of numberless atrocities against the U States ;
that since the year 1803, says that message, has that government persisted in a series of acts hostile to the U.States,
as an independent nation. It declared, that British
cruisers had violated the honor of the American flag,
and seized persons sailing under it ; that the seizure
even of British subjects, without trial or inquiry, was
contrary to the law of nations. That British citizens
had violated the rights and the peace of the American
coast; and that the blood of American citizens had been
wantonly spilt in the very harbors of the United States ;
and instead of punishment, the highest rewards had been
bestowed by the British government on the persons who
had committed such atrocities. That by means of a
nominal blockade, without the presence of an adequate
force, the commerce of America had been plundered on
every sea; that the orders issued by the British government had been tyrannically executed from their date,
and before American vessels could be aware of their

existence ; and that Great Britain had at length resorted

93

to a sweeping system, under the name of Orders in
Council, which had been so contrived as to suit the
political views and commercial jealousies of England,
and satisfy the avidity of her citizens. That the pretence of retaliation which had been used in defence of
these orders, was altogether groundless ; that edicts executed against American property, could not be a retaliation
on those decrees of France, which it was manifestly
impossible to execute; and that retaliation, to be just,
should fall only on the guilty. That the government of
Great Britain had recently declared its determination to
insist on these measures until the markets of its enemy
should be laid open to British commerce ; that England
had demanded a formality in the revocation of the

French decrees, by no means exemplified even by her
own usage ; and had declared that she would not rest
satisfied with the repeal of the decrees, merely as they
affected America, unless they were wholly and unconditionally revoked.
It proceeded to state, that the object of the measures
adopted by England, had not been so much to destroy
the resources of her enemies as to confirm her own monopoly ; and although every effort had been tried by the
United States to obtain an alteration of this iniquitous
system—although an offer had been made to interrupt all
commercial intercourse with France so long as she persevered in her injustice, yet the British government had
been deaf to every remonstrance. That in the year
1810, the American minister in London had offered to
the British government a fair opportunity for conciliation; that he merely requested to know, whether the
British blockade of 180G was still considered in force ;
and as this measure had afforded the pretence for the
decree of the French government, it was expected that
the disavowal of it, by Great Britain, would have immediately led to the rescinding of the French edicts, and
the restoration of neutral commerce ; but the British
government had persisted in refusing all explanation.

94

LUSTOAY OF

That a fair prospect appeared again to present itself for
the adjustment of all differences ; but the acts of the
British minister in America, who might have accomplished this desirable object, were all disavowed by his
government ; and at the very moment when these amicable proceedings were going forward, a secret agent of
Great Britain was employed to cherish disaffection in
the citizens of the United States, and to dissolve the
happy Union.
Mr. Madison, in the plenitude of his malignant vituperation, ventured to charge the British government,
though only as matter of suspicion, of inciting the Indian
nations to carry on their atrocious warfare against the
people of the United States.
" We perceive, in fine," proceeds Mr .Madison, " on

the side of Great Britain, a state of war towards the
United States ; and, on the side of the United States,
a state of peace towards Great Britain."

Such was the lofty tone of recital contained in this
American state paper, of the aggressions and atrocities
committed by Great Britain. But as regarded France,
and the conduct of her ruler, what was the President's
language ? He admitted, in a brief paragraph at the end
of the message, that the most atrocious violation of
neutral rights had been committed by order of the
French government, against the citizens of the United
States ; but although he was ready to recommend, in
the most emphatic terms, a declaration of war against
Great Britain, he merely hinted that he hoped an amicable adjustment might yet be effected with her enemies,
who had carried the spirit of outrage to such extremities.
But the President's message did not convey the sentiments of the whole Union by any means ; nor is it to
be believed that whole states did not dissent from such a

'nu

LATE WAR.

145

tirade of falsehoods.* We are warranted indeed in
believing the latter supposition to be the case, from the
language breathed in the declaration of the general
assembly of the state of Connecticut, at their special
session ou the 25th August, 1812, and that of the
•ist. RESOLVED, That the war with Great Britain, in which,
the present administration has plunged the United States, was inexpedient, ill timed and most dangerously impolitic...sacrificing
at once countless blessings, and incurring all the hazards and losses, of men and treasure, necessarily resulting from a contest with
a nation possessing so many means to annoy and distress us.
2d. RESOLVED, That, as the war was improvidently commenced,
Bo has the conduct of it proved wasteful and disastrous. The
administration being evidently chargeable with the multiplied disasters which have attended our arms, and consigned to captivity
or death so many thousands of brave men, without the attainment of a single object.
3d. RESOLVED, That we view with inexpressible concern the
course of that destructive policy which leads to a connexion with
the military despotism of France ; and if it should so happen, as
our fears suggest, that a convention or confederacy with that power either exists or is intended, we do not hesitate to declare, that
snch an event will be considered by us more dangerous than the
war itself and as tending, in its consequences, to a dissolution of
the United States.
6th, Lastly, RESOLVED, That finding in the answer of the
President of the United States, to a proposed armistice, that the
principal object of the war is to obtain redress against the British
practice of impressment—and finding, further, in an answer from
the British Government, to another proposed armistice, that their
claim does not extend beyond what it calls its ancient and accustomed practice of impressing British seamen from the merchant
vessels of a foreign state...we do hereby declare our solemn confiction, that a war, at the expence of American blood and treasure.
to protect British subjects on the high seas from their due allegiance to their country, wonld be unjust ; and that the abuse of
this practice, in regard to American seamen, may be guarded
against by an arrangement between the two governments ; and
therefore that P negotiation for a treaty of peace shonld be immediately opened.

Extracts from the Declaration of the general Asscmbig of the Legislature of the State of New Jersey, 1812.

HISTORY OF

THE LATE WAR.

legislature of Maryland on the, 24th of December of
the same year, which are fully corroborated by the declarations of the legislatures and messages of governors of
several other states of that nation.

•n alliance with the French despot, the measure of our
degradation and Ivretchednes would be full.

96

The accusations, however, contained in the President's
message formed the ground work on which the United
States legislature declared war against Great Britain ; and
such was the astonishment of the government and people
of England that they were for a time before they could
persuade themselves that the United States' were in earnest in the hazardoits enterprize they had undertaken, as
no conduct of the British government towards that country could have prompted them to such a rash and
desperate step. The causes of the war so, emphatically
insisted on in the President's message, as now appe ar,
were ridiculous and absurd ; complaints, some of which
were only imaginary,' and the rest had been redressed,
accusations which had long been refuted and a thousand
and one other things, if possible, still more absurd and
preposterous, were all laid under contribution for the'
service of this manifesto of Mr. Madison's, in order to
meet the views and feelings of the turbulent filetion
by whom he had been once more raised to the head of
the government.

The legislature of Connecticut proceeds to state, that
the aggressions of both nations ought to have been met
at the outset by a system of defensive protection commensurate to our means, and adapted to the crisis. That
other councils prevailed, and that system of commercial
restrictions which before had distressed the people of
Europe, was extended to our country. That we became
parties to the continental system of the French emperor.
That whatever its pressure may have been elsewhere,
on our citizens it had operated with intolerable severity
and hardship.
That in the midst of these sufferings war is declared,
and that nation of the two is selected for a foe which is
capable of inflicting the greatest injury. And that in
this selection we view with the deepest solicitude a
tendency to entangle us in an alliance with a nation
whose ruler has subverted every republic in Europe,
and whose connections, wherever formed, have been
fatal to civil liberty.
That of the operation of his decrees on American
commerce, it is not necessary here to remark, that the
repeal of them, [the French decrees,] promulgated in
this country since the declaration of war,virtually declares
that the American government was not to be trusted
Insult is thus added to injury.*
.

That should a continuance of this war exclude our
seafaring and mercantile citizens from the use of the
ocean, and our invaluable institutions be sacrificed by
*See also the note under page 79.

91

A curious circumstance is also connected with the
declaration of war by the United States, which probably
tended more to exhibit the entire dependence under
which the acts of America government lay to those of
the French ruler, and to shew the extreme partiality
of America towards France, than any other circumstance which transpired.
Immediately after the communication of the French
minister, declaring the principles of the French decrees
to form the fundamental law of the empire, followed the
declaration of war by the United States. Whether,
therefore, Great Britain considered the pretensions set
up and avowed by the American government, or the
.circumstances attending the declaration of war, the

93

HISTORY OP

conclusion was the same—that a determination had long
been formed by the United States to oppose the just
claims of Great Britain, and with a view to embarrass
that country in her contest with France for the independence of Europe, she had determined to unite her
resources and exertions.
The news of the declaration of war, at this time, however, completely astounded the people of England. Even
those who had advocated the enquiry into the Orders in
Council, were convinced that America ought to have
been satisfied with the abrogation of those edicts ; and
they further added, that should America urge any further claims upon Great Britain, that they should now be
the first and most strenuous opposers of any further
concession being made to that country.
It was frequently remarked in the public journals of
the United States, that in all their intercourse with the
governments of Great Britain and France, a studied
and implacable hostility towards the interests of the
former was universasally evinced ; while, notwithstanding the reiterated insults and indignities daily offered
by the latter to the American flag, yet the government of
that republic was decidedly favorable to her views and
wishes.
-

Matters, however, had now arisen to a crisis between
Great Britain and the United States, that indicated war
to be inevitably at hand ; in view of which, and under
the impression that in such an event Canada would be invaded,the governor in chief of those provinces immediately
employed means to strengthen the public works, fortify
'he most important avenues into the country, and more
effectually to organize the provincial militia ; for should
a war be the result, on the militia forces alone could the
country depend for her defence, as only a sufficient regular force was retained in the country to perform garrison
duty under a peace establishment ; and, under existing

THE LATE WAR.

99

circumstances with the mother country, employed as
her armies were on the European peninsula, little aid
from that quarter could be expected.

101)

HISTORY OF

THE LATE WAR.

101

purpose of military chill, one hundred thousand militia,
proportioned to each state as follows:

CHAPTER XIII.
Preparations of a warlike Appearance on the part of the
United Slates—Extract from the Address of the
House of Assembly to the Yeomanry of Canada, at
the Commencement of the War—Invasion of Canada
by an Army under General Hull—General Hull's
Proclamation to the People of Canada—Active Measures pursued by General Brock for the Relief of Fort
Amherstbury—Evident Signs of Indecision and Distrust in the American Camp.
DURING the defensive preparations on the part of
Canada, the United States government was not unmindful of its security against any hostile attack.
Besides strengthening her fortifications, Sze., an act
of Congress was passed, on the 11th day of January,
1812, for raising ten additional regiments of infantry to
consist of two thousand men each—two regiments of
cavalry of two thousand each—and one additional regiment of artillery, to consist of one thousand—to be
enlisted for five years. Early in the ensuing month,
another act passed that body, authorising the president
of the United States to accept the military services of
certain volunteer corps, not to exceed in nnmber fifty
thousand men ; and, in the month of April following,
an act was passed to call into active service, for the

Pennsylvania, ........................................ 14,000
New-York, ............................................ 13,000
Virginia, ............................... 12,000
Massachusetts, ...................................... 10,000
New-Hampshire, .................................. 3,500
Connecticut, ....................... 3,000
.
New-Jersey,
5,000
North Carolina, ............... 7,000
Maryland, ............................................... 6,000
South Carolina, ......
5,000
Kentucky, ............................................... 5,500
Ohio, ...................
5,500
Georgia, ................................................. 3,500
Vermont, .......................
3,000
Delaware, ............................................... 1,000
Tennessee, ............................................. 2,500
Rhode Island,
500
100,000
In addition to the above, the United States had a
regular army of eleven regiments of five hundred men
each, which, in the whole, certainly constituted a formidable army.
Acts were passed, at the same time, for building
new ships of war, and repairing such as were out of
commission, and for making such provisions for the
defence of the maritime frontier as were considered
necessary.
As soon as the declaration of war was announced In
Canada, measures were employed in that colony to,
embody a portion of the militia force of the country
for its protection against an invasion of the enemy.

12

102

HISTORY OF

An appeal was made by the representatives in parliament of Upper Canada to their constituents, at the en&
of the extra session which was convened at the commencement of the war, in which was portrayed in its
native coloring the abject and wretched state of vassalage to the ruler of France into which America had descended, and her consequent perfidious conduct towards
Great Britain. A most deserved eulogium was in that
address passed upon the character of the militia, for the
promptitude with which their services were volunteered in defence of the country.
"Already have we the joy to remark," says that address,
" that the spirit of loyalty has burst forth in all its ancient splendor. The militia, in all parts of the Province,
have volunteered their service with acclamation, and
displayed a degree of energy worthy of the British name.
They do not forget the blessings and privileges which
they enjoy under the protection and fostering care of
the British empire, whose government is only felt in
this country by acts of the purest justice and most
pleasing and efficacious benevolence. When men are
called upon to defend every thing they hold precious—
their wives and children, their friends and possessions,
they ought to be inspired by the noblest resolution, and
they will not be easily frightened with menaces, or
conquered by force. And beholding, as we do, the
flame of patriotism burning from one end of the Canadas to the other, we cannot but entertain the most
pleasing anticipations. Our enemies have indeed said,
that they can subdue the country by a proclamation ;
but it is our part to prove to them that they are sadly
mistaken ; that the population is determinately hostile,
and that the few who might be otherwise inclined, will
find it their safety and interest to he faithful."
As was before observed, a large American force,
consisting of regulars and militia, was early in the year
1812 stationed at Detroit, and had been placed under

THE LATE WAR,

103

the command of General Hull, an officer of the Revolution, who, on the 12th of July, crossed the river Detroit
with a force of two thousand five hundred of the above
troops and a strong park of artillery, and planted the
American standard on the shores of Canada. Immediately
on the arrival of the American army at Sandwich, General Hull issued the following :
PROCLAMATION.

Head Quarters, Sandwich, 12th July, 1812
INHABITANTS OF CANADA—

After thirty years of peace and prosperity, the U. States
have been driven to arms. The injuries and aggressions, the insults and indignities of Great Britain, have
once more left them no alternative but manly resistance,
or unconditional submission. The army under my command has invaded your eountry. The standard of the
Union now waves over the territory of Canada. To the
peaceable, unoffending inhabitants it brings neither danger nor difficulty. I come to find enemies, not to make
them. I come to protect, not to injure you.
Separated by an immense ocean and an extensive wilderness from Great Britain, you have no participation in
her councils, no interest in her conduct. You have felt
her tyranny ; you have seen her injustice ; but I do not
ask you to avenge the one, or to redress the other. The
United States are sufficiently powerful to afford every
security, consistent with their rights and your expectations. I tender you the invaluable blessing of civil,
religious and political liberty, and their necessary result,
individual and general prosperity ; that liberty which
gave decision to our councils and energy to our conduct,
in a struggle for independence, which conducted us
safely and triumphantly through the stormy period of
the Revolution—the liberty which has raised tis to an
elevated rank among the nations of the world, and
which afforded us a greater measure of peace and securi-

104

HISTORY

or

ty, of wealth and improvement, than ever fell to the lot
of any people. In the name of my country and the
authority of government, I promise you protection to
your persons, property and rights. Remain at your
homes ; pursue your peaceful and customary avocations ;
raise not your hands against your brethren. Many of
your fathers fought for the freedom and independence we
now enjoy. Being children, therefore, of the same
family with us, and heirs of the same heritage, the arrival of an army of friends must be hailed by you with a
cordial welcome. You will be emancipated from tyranny and oppression, and restored to the dignified station of
freemen.
Had I any doubt of eventual success, I might ask
your assistance ; but I do not. I come prepared for
every contingency—I have a force which will break
down all opposition, and that force is but the vanguard
of a much greater. If, contrary to your own interest
and the just expectations of my country, you should
take part in the approaching contest, you will be considered and treated as enemies, and the horrors and cala
mities of war will stalk before you.
If the barbarous and savage policy of Great Britain
be pursued, and the savages are let loose to murder our
citizens and butcher our women and children, this war
will be a war of extermination. The first stroke of the
tomahawk, the first attempt with the scalping knife, will
he the signal of one indiscriminate scene of desolation.
No white man, found fighting by the side of an Indian,
will be taken prisoner—instant death will be his lot. It
the dictates of reason, duty, justice, and humanity, cannot prevent the employment of a force which respects no
rights, and knows no wrongs, it will be prevented by a
severe and relentless system of retaliation.
I doubt not your courage and firmness ; I will not
doubt your attachment to liberty. If you tender your

TILE LATE WAR.

105

services voluntarily, they will be accepted readily. The
United States offer you peace, liberty and security.
Your choice lies between these and war, slavery, and
destruction. Choose, then, but choose wisely—apd may
he who knows the justice of our cause, and who holds
in his hands the fate of nations, guide you to a result
the most compatible with your rights and interests, your
peace and happiness.
By the General,
A. P. HULL.This proclamation of General Hull was full of confidence in the strength of his arms and in the justice of
his cause, assuring himself, from that consideration, of a
successful termination to the campaign. It threatens,
too, of pursuing a war of extermination, in the event of
the employment of the Indians on the part of the British,
forgetting, it would appear, that already were the Indians engaged co-operating with the forces of the United
States against the British army.
General Hull, having crossed into the British dominions with an army which in point of numbers was capable
of setting at defiance the whole of the British regular
army then in the Canadas, commenclid an advance on
Fort Malden or Amherstburg. At the time the American
army approached that place, the garrison consisted of a
subaltern's detachment of royal artillery commanded by
Lieutenant Troughton ; a detachment of the forty-first
regiment, of three hundred men, commanded by Captain
Muir ; and between three hundred and. four hundred
militia, the whole under the command of Lieutenant
Colonel St. George, inspecting field officer of militia-for
that district—a force totally inadequate, by its numerical
strength,' to cope with that of the Americans, to which
they were now opposed ; but the most vigorous measures were employed by Major General Brock, to secure
the fort against an assault, in the aid of which the

-

HISTORY or

THE LATE WAR.

capture of Fort Michilimack intuit was a fortunate circumstance, as it laid open the rear and flanks of the American
army to the desultory attacks of the Indians in the
neighborhood, a part of whom had assisted in its
capture.

General Hull had not long remained in the position
which he had taken up, until it was manifest to the
_British commander, that indecision and distrust reigned
every where throughout the American lines ; and that
the military talents of General Hull were far froiri being
commensurate with the enterprise in which he hatl engaged, and that his talents had been sadly overrated by
his government. In fact, it was evident that General
Hull himself had already made this discovery ; and of
course these circumstances were held as ominous of
his speedy overthrow.

106

As soon as General Hull had established his camp at
Sandwich, parties were sent out from his army, to levy
contributions of provisions and forage from the inhabitants, who advanced as far as the Moravian Town,
committing on their routes the most unheard-of atrocities
upon the defenceless inhabitants, carrying with them as
prisoners of war such influential persons as they found
well affected towards their king and country.
In the mean time, General Brock had despatched,
from the garrison of Fort George, Captain Chambers
with fifty men of the 41st Regiment, into the interior
of the country, for the purpose of collecting such of the
militia and Indians as were then ready to join the army
at Atnherstburg—previously sending Colonel Proctor of
the same regiment to assume the command of that garrison. Sixty men also of the 41st Regiment were
despatched at the same time to reinforce the besieged
garrison, and forty were sent to Long Point, for the purpose of collecting the militia in that vicinity.
General Brock, having made such arrangements, in
the government of the province, as were necessary during his absence from York, proceeded from thence to
Fort George, and thence to Long Point on Lake Erie,
where he was joined by two hundred and sixty of the
militia, who had, in a few days and in the very height
of their harvest, gallantly volunteered their services to
share the dangers of the field in defence of their country, together with the detachment of the 41st Regiment
who had been previously sent to that quarter. At the
head of these, General Brock proceeded to the relief of
Amherstburg, where he arrived on the 13th of August.

107

los

Or

HISTORY

TUE LATE SY AA.

CHAPTER XIV.
General Hull compelled to retreat to his own Territory—
General Brock arrives at Amherstbury—,Offers Terms
to General Hull far the Surrender of Detroit—General
Hull refuses the Proposition—The British Forces effect
a Landing on the American Side of the River—General
Hull proposes a Cessation of Hostilities—Terms of
Surrender dictated to General Hull in his own Tent,
by General Brock's Aids de Camp—Articles of Capitulation—Munitions of War 4c. 4c. included in the
Conquest—Remarks—General Brock's Proclamation
to the Inhabitants of the Michigan Territory—Trial
of General Hull by a general Court Martial—
Sentence &sc.

,

PREVIOUS to the arrival of Major General Brock,
Colonel Proctor had commenced active operations against
the enemy by sending detachments across the river in
order to cut off all communications between his main
body and the reserve This with other judicious arrangements had compelled the enemy to retreat under the
shelter of the guns of his own fort. Several skirmishes
had occurred, by which losses had been sustained upon
both sides, but in all of which the Americans were compelled to retire and acknowledge the superiority of the
British arms ; two in particular on the 5th and 9th instants, were maintained with much bravery on both
sides, and in both of which the loss of the American
army was very considerable, while that of the British
amounted to three killed and fourteen wounded.
Amongst the latter were Captain Muir and Lieutenant
Sutherland, of the 41st Regiment, two officers very
justly distinguished by their chief.
After the American army had again crossed the
river to their own territory a. position opposite Fort
;

109

Detroit was taken up by the British, and on the 13th
instant batteries were commenced ; and although exposed
to a well directed fire from a battery of seven twenty-four
pounders, yet such was their construction under the
able directions of Captain Dixon of the royal engineers,
that the works were continued without intermission until
completed, without sustaining the least injury from the
fire of the enemy..
On the arrival of General Brock at Amherstburg, notwithstanding the formidable numerical strength of the
enemy,*preparations were immediately commenced to
follow him into his own territory ; and on Saturday,
the 15th instant, the British forces were collected in the
neighborhood of Sandwich for that purpose, consisting
of thirty of the Royal Artillery with three six pounders
and two three pounders, under the command of Lieutenant Troughton, two hundred and fifty of the 41st
Regiment, fifty of the Royal Newfoundland fencibles, and
four hundred Canadian militia, in all amounting to seven
hundred and thirty, to whom six hundred Indians attached themselves, making an aggregate of one thousand
three hundred and thirty.

About noon, on the same day, a flag of truce
was sent by General Brock to General Hull, with
a summons for the surrender of the town and fort
of Detroit, stating that he could no longer restrain
the fury of the Indians. To this an immed iate
and spirited refusal was returned by General Hull, stating
that he was prepared to meet any force which might be
at the disposal of General Brock, and any consequences
which might result froth any exertion of it he might
think proper to make. About four o'clock, the firing
commenced from the British batteries and was immediately returned, which continued without intermission
until about eleven o'clock that night. At daylight,
next morning, the fire re-commenced upon both sides t
at which time the British were discovered landing their

HISTORY OF
troops at the Springwells, three miles below Detroit.
The Indians, in the mean time, had effected a landing
about two miles lower down, and moved up, taking a
position in the woods about a mile and a half on
the left.
The British force immediately advanced within about
five hundred yards of the enemy's line, with a view to
bring him to a general action, General Brock having
received information that Colonel Mc. Arthur, a distinguished American officer who had left the garrison only
a few days previous, was now close upon his rear, and
that his cavalry had been seen that morning by some of
the reconnoitering parties of the British. The American army, having made a precipitate retreat into the
fort, an assault was immediately decided upon. However, for this time the effusion of blood was saved by
the exterminating General Hull sending out a proposition
for a cessation of hostilities, for the purpose of preparing
terms of capitulation.
Lieutenant Colonel Mc. Donald, provincial aid de
camp, and Captain Glegg, aid de camp to General Brock,
were deputed by that general to proceed to the American
general, to present the terms upon which.General Brock
would be -pleased to accept the surrender. In about an
hour the two aids returned to the British camp, with
the condition9 of capitulation which they dictated to
General Hull in his own tent. The conditions were as
follows
111
ARTICLE I Fort Detroit with all the troops, regulars as well as militia, will be immediately surrendered
to the British forces under the command of the Major
.Genkral Brock and will be considered prisoners of wit,
with the exception of such of the militia of the Michigan To rritory 13 have not joined the army.

THE LATE WAR

111

II. All public' stores, arms and all public documents,
including every thing else of a public nature, will be
immediately given up.
.

III. Private persons and property of every description will be respected.
IV. His Excellency, Brigadier General Hull, having
expressed a desire that a detachment from the state of
Ohio, on its way to join his army, as well as one sent
from Detroit, should be included in the capitulation, it
is accordingly agreed to. It is, however, to be understood, that such part of the Ohio militia as have not
joined the army, will be permitted to return to their
homes, on condition that they will not serve during the
war ; their arms will be delivered up, if belonging to
the public.
-

V. The garrison will march out at the hour of
twelve o'clock this day, and the British forces will take
immediate possession of the fort.
Signed,
J. Mc. DONALD, Lieut. Col.
Militia, P. A. D. C.
J. B. GLEGG, Major, A. D. C.
JAMES MILLER, Lieut. Col.
5th Regt. U. S. Infantry.
E. BRUSH, Col. Commanding
1st Regt. of Michigan Militia.
Approved, W. HULL, Brigadier General
Commanding the N. W. Army.
Approved, ISAAC BROCK, Major General.
AN ARTICLE supplementary to the Articles of Capitulalion, concluded at Detroit, the 16th of August, 1812.
It is agreed that the officers and soldiers of the Ohio
militia and volunteers shall be permitted to proceed to
their respective homes, on this condition, that they do

113

11)8TOUT OV

THE LATE WAR.

not serve daring the present war, unless they are exchanged.
Signed, W. HULL, Brigadier General
Commanding U. S. N. W. Army.
Signed, ISAAC BROCK, Major General.

On the day of the surrender of the town and fort of
Detroit, the American army had fifteen days' provision
of every kind on hand. Of meat there was plenty in
the country, and arrangements had been made for purchasing and grinding the flour. It was calculated that
they could readily have procured three months' provisions, independent of one hundred and fifty barrels of
flour and thirteen hundred head of cattle which had
been forwarded from the state of Ohio, and remained
at the River Raisin under Captain Brush, within reach
of the army.*

112

AN ARTICLE in addition to the swletnentary Article of

Capitulation, concluded at Detroit, on the 16th of August, 1812.
It is agreed that the officers and soldiers of the Michigan militia and volunteers, under the command of
Major Wetherall, shall be placed on the same principles
as the Ohio militia and volunteers are placed by the
supplementary article of the 16th instant.
Signed, W. HULL, Brigadier General
Commanding N. W. Army U. S.
ISAAC BROCK, Major General.
By the surrender of Detroit, which clothed with fresh
and accumulating glory the arms of Great Britain, and
stamped in indelible characters the terror which the
name of a British soldier carries into the ranks of his
enemy, an army of two thousand five hundred of the
choicest American troops became prisoners of war, and
thirty-three pieces of brass and iron ordnance fell into the
hands of the conquerors,* besides four hundred rounds
of twenty-four pound shot fixed, one hundred thousand
cartridges made, forty barrels of powder and two thousand five hundred stand of arms.11
A Return of Ordnance taken in the Fort and Batteries of Detroit, August 16th, 1812.

In endeavoring to appreciate the motives and to investigate the causes which led to an event so unexpected
and dishonorable as the surrender of General Hull, it
is impossible to find any solution in the relative strength
of the contending parties, or in the measure of resistance
in General Hull's power.t He had a force at his disposal which was more than double the numerical strength
of that of the British general, including six hundred
Indians which had attached themselves to the army ;
yet, such was the decided bravery and promptitude of
General Brock and his little band, that they were determined to storm the American garrison and camp.
But it would appear that General Hull was not prepared
for such prompt and decided measures as the handful
of British regulars and Canadian militia were preparing
to press upon him ; he therefore surrendered at discretion.
Cass's letter.

Iron Ordnance—nine twenty-four pounders, eight twelve
pounders, five nine pounders, three six pounders.
Brass Ordnance—three six pounders, two four pounders, one
three pounder. one eight inch howitzer, one five and a half inch
howitzer.
Total of Ordnance taken-33.
FELIX TROUGHTON, Lieut.
(Signed,)
Commanding Royal Artillery.

Col Caes's letter to the American Secretary of War.

K2

HPSTORY

114

General Brock had no sooner taken possession of the
fort and town of Detroit with the Michigan Territory,
of which it is the capital, than he issued the following
PROCLAMATION.
Proclamation by" Isaac Brock, Esquire, Major General,
commanding His Majesty's Forces in the Province of
Upper Canada, 4c. efc
Whereas the Territory of Michigan was this day,
by capitulation, ceded to the arms of His Britannic
Majesty, without any other condition than the protection of private property—and wishing to give an early
proof of the moderation and justice of His Majesty's
government—I do hereby announce to all the inhabitants of the said territory, that the laws heretofore in
existence shall continue in force until His Majesty's
pleasure be known, or so long as the peace and safety
of the said territory will admit thereof ; and I do hereby also declare and make known to the said inhabitants,
that they shall be protected in the full exercise and
enjoyment of their religion—of which all persons, both
civil and military, will take notice and govern themselves accordingly.

THE LATE WAR.

116

delivered up, and all individuals whatever who have in
their possession arms of any kind, will deliver them up
without delay.
Given under my hand, at Detroit, this 16th day of
August, 1812, and in the 62d year of His Majesty's reign
God save the King.
Signed,) ISAAC BROCK,
Major General.
(

Such was the glorious result, to the British arms, of
the first military operations in Canada, during the war.
It had, however, an effect throughout. the whole of the
United States, to beget the most violent altercations
with respect to the conduct of General Hull.

All persons having in their possession, or having any
knowledge of any public property, shall forthwith deliver in the same, or give notice thereof to the officer
commanding or to Lieutenant Colonel Nicholl, who are
duly authorised to receive and give proper receipts for
the same.

The government contended that General Hull had
been guilty of the basest and most dastardly cowardice,
while he and his friends maintained that the means
with which he was supplied were inadequate to the
enterprise with which he was intrusted. A court martial was ordered, before which his conduct in that affair
underwent a candid and dispassionate investigation,
and which, after maturely weighing the evidence in all
its bearings, found him guilty of neglect of duty, unofficerlike conduct and cowardice, and did therefore
adjudge him to be shot to death ; but the court, considering the advanced age of the prisoner and his
revolutionary services, (he being a compatriot of the
immortal Washington,') recommended him to mercy.
The President, although highly approving of the sentence of the court, yet thought proper to remit its
execution.

Officers of militia will be held responsible that all
sand in possession of the militiamen be immediately

It has often been contended, by many persons of fe
spectability in the United States,I that the surrender of

-

and

We felt it due to truth

—

to government—to General Hull,

to all persons directly or indirectly concerned with the facts

116

HISTORY OT

General Hull was the result of bribery ; however, no
circumstances connected with that affair will warrant
that conclusion ; nor can it, after a moment's reflection,
be conceived that it was the effect of cowardice.
General Hull's character, as a soldier in the Revolutionary War, stood high ; and his capacity„ to fill the
rank he then held in the service was never questioned ;
his fidelity towards his government was ever beyond a
doubt, and his principles as an individual were blended
with the finest honor. But the general, after descending far into the vale of time, a period at which every
faculty of the mind becomes imbecile, and man is
again in childhood, is placed at the head of an undiciplined army, (a situation he never before had filled;)
with his imagination replete with horrors of the most
fearful description, at the awful tales of the savage
ferocity of the British and Indians, which were propagated by ignorant and designing people—his ideas
magnifying every danger in a tenfold proportion—hence
he is rendered incapable of wielding the army entrusted
to his command, and therefore surrendered, as he says,
to prevent the effusion of blood.
or circumstances leading to the shameful capitulation at Detroit,
to suspend our opinion until a sufficiency of light was afforded
to chase away the doubts and shadows that rested on the strange
transaction. But doubt has resolved itself into certainty—we no
longer hesitate to join in opinion with the whole people of the
west, " of every sect or persuasion, religious or political," that
the army at Detroit was treachorously surrendered; and that
General Brock instead of General Hull ought to have been the
prisoner. This idea is powerfully enforced by many private letters
from gentlemen of the first respectability in the state of Ohio,
who had opportunity to know the verity and strength of the opinion advanced ; but the detail by Colonel Cass [see appendix,) is
conclusive—it is besides supported by a host of testimony in all

the subtantial facts is exposes.

Niles' Register—Baltimore.

THE LATE WAR.

117

The foregoing premises are supported by the tenor of
his proclamation, as nearly every line of that document
breathes a terror not to be disguised. It is corroborated,
too, by his communication to Colonel Cass, as appears
by that officer's letter to the Honorable William Eustis,
where he says " I was informed by General Hull, the
morning after the capitulation, that the British forces
consisted of eighteen hundred regulars, and that he
surrendered to prevent the effusion of human blood.
That he magnified their regular force nearly five fold,
there can be no doubt."

118

HISTORY OF

CHAPTER XV.
An Attack upon the Post of Queenston by a Pare of General Van Rensellaer's Army, under the command of
Gneral Wadsworth— General Brock killed— Colonel
Mc. Donald mortally wounded—Dies of his Wounds—
Arrival of a small Reinforcement headed by General
Sheaffe who now assumes the Command—Renewal of
the Conflict—Communication opened with ChippawaVictory declares herself on the Side of the British—
Cowardly Conduct of the United States Militia—Surrender of General Wadsworth with all the Forces under
his Command— Cannonading between Forts George
and Niagara—Assembling of another American Force.
HOWEVER complete might have been the victory at
Detroit to the British arms, yet glories of a much more
brilliant cast awaited them in the defence of their country.
Dispirited at such a total failure in General Hull's
expedition, it became late in the season before the
American government could collect a force on the frontiers, with which, with any safety, another descent
upon Canada could be made. At length, Major General Van Rensellaer, of the New-York militia, with a
force of four thousand men under his command, (fifteen
hundred of whom were regular troops,) established his
camp at Lewiston, on the Niagara River, nearly half
way between Lake Ontario and the Falls.
Before daylight, on the morning of the 13th October,
a large division of General Van Rensellaer's army,
under Brigadier General Wadsworth, effected a landing
at the lower end of the village of Queenston, (opposite
Lewiston,) and made an attack upon the position
which was defended with the most determined bravery,

THE LATE WAR.

119

by the two flank companies of the 49th Regiment
commanded by Captains Dennis and Williams, aided
by such of the militia forces and Indians as could be
collected in the vicinity. Major General Brock, on
receiving intelligence, immediately proceeded to that
post, from Fort George, and arrived at the crisis when
the handful of British regulars and militia was compelled to retire for a time before an overwhelming force of
the enemy. However, on the appearance of their
gallant chief, the troops were seized with a fresh anilnaation, and were led on by that brave general to
a renewed exertion to maintain the post ; but just at the
moment of charging the enemy's position, within pistol
shot of his line, and while his ranks wavered with
hesitation, General Brock was killed by a musket
ball, and with him the position was for a short time lost.
Colonel Mc. Donald, His provincial aid de camp, was
mortally wounded about the same time, who afterwards
died of his wounds.
A reinforcement of the 41st Regiment, commanded
by Captain Derenzy, with a few of the Lincoln Militia
and a party of Indians were immediately marched from
Fort George to the succor of the troops at Queenston,
under the direction of Major General Sheaffe who now
• assumed the command ; and persons who were, both
by their situations in life and by their advanced age,
exempt from serving in the militia, made common cause ;
they seized their "arms and flew to the field of action.*
The conflict was again renewed, and from the advantageous position taken up by Major Norton, the
*Judge Clench of Niagara, an old half pay officer from His
Majesty's service, who had, for some cause or other, some time
previous, retired from the command of the 1st Lincoln Militia,
in company with a few others equally exempt from service, with
a truly patrotic zeal, followed their beloved general from Fort
George to Queenston, and ranged themselves in the ranks as
volunteers, to drive the enemy from their shore,

120

utSTORIf of

Indian chief, with his warriors on the woody brow of the
high grounds, a communication was opened with Chippawa, from whence captain Bullock, of the 41st Regt.
with a detachment of that corps, was enabled to march
for Queen ston, and was joined on the way by parties of
the Militia who were repairing from all quarters, with
all the enthusiasm imaginable, to the field of battle.
The fight was maintained, upon both sides, with courage
truly heroic. The British regulars and militia charged
in rapid succession, against a force in number far exceeding their own, until they succeeded in turning the
left flank of their column, which rested on the summit
of the hill—the event of the day no longer appeared
doubtful.
Major General Van' Rensellear, commanding the
American army, perceiving his reinforcements embarking very slowly, recrossed the river to accelerate their
movements ; but, to his utter astonishment, he found
that at the very moment when their services were most
required, the ardor of the unengaged troops had entirely
subsided. General Van Rensellaer rode in all directions through his camp, urging his men by every
consideration to pass over. Lieutenant Colonel Bloome,
who had been wounded in the action and recrossed the
river, together with Judge Peck who happened to be in
Lewiston at the time, mounted their horses and rode
through the camp, exhorting the companies•to proceed,
but all in vain.* Crowds of the United States militia
remained on the American bank of the river, to which
they had not been marched in any order but run as a
mob : not one of them would cross. They had seen the
wounded recrossing ; they had seen the Indians ; and
were panic struck.t There were wretches to be found

THE LATE

wAn.

121

in the American ranks, who, at this critical juncture,
could talk of the Constitution, and the right of the
militia to refuse crossing the imaginary line which separates the two countries.*
No sooner had the British forces succeeded in turning the left flank of the enemy than he visibly began to
give way ; one grand effort was therefore made upon
the crest of his position, in which the heights were
carried at the point of the bayonet.
General Van Rensellaer, having found that it was
impossible to urge a man to cross the river to reinforce
the army on the heights, and that army having nearly
expended its ammunition, boats were immediately sent
to cover their retreat ; but a desultory fire, which was
maintained upon the ferry from a battery on the bank
at the lower end of Queenston, completely dispersed
the boats, and many of the boatmen relanded and fled
in dismay. Brigadier General Wadsworth was therefore compelled, after a vigorous conflict had been
maintained for some time upon both sides, to surrender
himself and all his officers with nine hundred men,
between three and four o'clock in the afternoon, to a
force by far inferior to his in numbers, which circumstance speaks loudly in favor of the plan of attack
adopted by Major General Sheaffe.t
*American Report of the Battle of Queenston.
tGreat praise is bestowed on Lieutenant Kerr of the Glengary
Fensible Light Infantry, in General Sheaffe's Report, for his
intelligence and active services while employed in communications w;Illthe Indian warriors and other flanking parties during
this conflict.

••■••■•••11.1..1,

*Major Geaneral Van Rensellear's letter to Major General 11,1
Dearborn, dated `• Head Quarters, Lewiston, 14th Oct.1812."

tAmericaa Report of the Battle of Queenston.

Amongst the officers mentioned in the Report of General
Sheade, as havinz particularly signalized themselves, appear the
tames of the following of the militia forces, for the gallant and
steady manner they led the troops under their command into
action, and, with that unparalleled bravery peculiar to Britislo

HISTORY OF

THE LATE WAR.

Soon after Major General Brock's arrival at queens-7
ton, in the morning, he had sent down an order to Fort
George, for cannonading the American fort, Niagara ;
the operations of which were so ably directed by Colonel Claus and Brigade Major Evans, who were left in
command of Fort George and the adjacent batteries, as
completely to silence the American guns, and to force
the garrison to abandon it and take shelter in places of
more safety ; by which means much mischief was prevented to Fort George and Newark, as the enemy had
been throwing heated shot into those places.t

Nothing could possibly excel the heroic bravery mahifested on both sides, during this sanguinary contest
Colonel Van Rensellaer, aid de camp to the general of
that name, who led the van of the invading army, displayed much real courage in the gallant and intrepid
manner in which he formed the division under his command, on the margin of the river, and led them on to
the attack., He even, after receiving four wounds, continued to issue his orders.

122

The loss of the British army, in this battle, did not
exceed one hundred men, including killed, wounded
and missing—while that on the side of the Americans,
including deserters, was not less than two thousand : but
amongst the killed, the British government and the
country had to deplore the loss of one of their bravest
and most zealous generals, in Sir Isaac Brock, and one
whose memory will long live in the warmest affections
of every British subject in Canada.II
troops, for a length of time sustained the conflict with an over•heltnino. enemy—viz. Lieutenant Colonels Butler and Clark,
ains latt, Durand, Rowe, Applegarth Jas. Crooks, Cooper,
Capt
Robert Hamilton, Mc.
'
Ewen, and Duncan Cameron; and. Lient.
Thomas Butler, commanding a flank company of Lincoln
Militia, and Lieutenant Richardson, commanding a flank company of York Militia; Captain A. Hamilton is likewise highly
spoken of, for his usefulness and activity at the guns under Captain Holcroft, to whose compdny he attached himself, after being
disabled from accompanying his troop in the Niagara Dragoons.
to which he then belonged.
The guns in Fort George were under the immediate direction
Captains Powell and Cameron of the Militia Artillery, during
the 136.
ii Snch was the high esteem in which the character of General
Bro ck was held even with the enemy that, during the movement of
the funeral procession of that have man, from Queenston to Fort
George, a distance of seven miles, minute guns were fired at every
American post on that tei7t of th? lines ; and even the appearance
(it hostilitie J suspewlei
,

123

Captain Wool, an officer only twenty-six years of
age likewise displayed great courage and self-devotedness to his country's service.
The names also of Brigadier General Wadswortl.:,
Colonel Scott, Lieutenant Colonels Christie and Fenwick, and Captain Gibson with several others of an
inferior rank, are honorably spoken of in General Van
Rensellaer's communications to General Dearborn on
the subject.
On the morning subsequent to the battle of Queenston, General Shea& entered into an armistice with the
American general commanding at Lewiston, to be confined to that part of the frontier comprised between
lakes Ontario and Erie, subject to a condition that fortyeight hours notice should be given by either party for a
recommencement of hostilities. This arrangement was
at first censured, by individuals unaware of the motive s by which General Sheaffe was actuated ; it was
not, in the flush of victory, taken into consideration,
that the number of American prisoners then in his charge
far exceeded the numerical strength of his army, when
the Indian force was withdrawn ; and that with his very
li mited means of defence, he had a frontier of forty
miles to protect.

1

24

IIISTORY OF

The Americans, after recovering in some measure'
from the disasterous defeat with which they had met at
the heights of Queenston, commenced the most vigorous
and gigantic preparations for assembling another army,
at Buffalo, for a second descent upon the Nigara frontier, under the command of General Smyth ; and if
numbers constitute force, they had succeeded beyond
their most sanguine hopes.
With an army, the least account of which, in any of
the American reports, was eight thousand strong—with
fifteen pieces of field ordnance—a populous and fertile
country in his rear, and the facility afforded him by
good roads to draw the supplies for his army, and to
bring into the field a formidable artillery—General
Smyth was enabled to come well prepared for the enterprise in which he had engaged ; and so sanguine was
he of the successful result of his expedition, that he
vauntingly promised, on the 10th of the month, " that
in a few days the troops under his command would
plant the American standard in Canada ;" and in pursuance of which, he issued an prder to the commandant of
Fort Niagara, to save the buildings of Fort George and
the adjacent town of Newark, as they would be required
for winter quarters for the " Army of the Centre."
Such formidable preparations were not unnoticed by
the vigilance of General Sheaffe and the efficient officers under his command ; but successfully to repel such
terrific odds was conceived to ba, at least, very doubtful ;
for, up to the period at which the American general
had violated the terms of the armistice, not a single
British soldier had arrived to reinforce the army ; and,
after the conflict at Queenston, the militia, which constituted the majority of the British force, had been
permitted to return home to secure the remaiudero
their harvest,

THE LATE WAR.

125

However, on the first alarm being given of the hostile
movements of this American army, those sufficiently
harrassed but loyal militiamen promptly returned to
their posts, fully determined to dispute every inch of
ground while a man was left to defend it.
The flaming proclamations of General Smyth—the
extended columns of cavalry and infantry, and the immense park of artillery with which he was enabled to
line the American shore—and the continued marching
and countermarching of countless battalions—attended
with all the pomp of war and parade of martial bombast
which the prolific mind of General Smyth was capable
of calling into contribution, for the purpose of intimidation—were lost upon men so firmly attached to their
king and devoted to the service of their country.

126

HISTORY OF

CHAPTER XVI.
The American Forces, assembled on the Niagara River,
placed under the Command of General Smyth—Another Invasion of Canada—The Invaders completely
repelled—Indignant Feelings of the American Troops
at the Conduct of General Smyth,--Second Attempt of
General Smyth to invade Canada—Complete Failure
in that Attempt—The American Army retires to Winter Quarters—Geographical Description of the Country
in the Vicinity of Niagara and Queenston—Remarks
wi the Conclusion of the first Year's Campaign—Effect
the Result of the First military Operations had on the
public Mind in America—Proposals of Mr. Madison
for Terms of Pacification—Rejection of those Terms.
THE American army lay in camp along the lines,
until the latter part of the month, daily gathering fresh
accessions of strength. During the 25th and 26th, the
movements of General Smyth appeared to menace an
immediate invasion.

On the morning of the 27th, at daybreak, agreeably
to an order of General Sheaffe, issued the previous evening, the guns of Fort George with those of the batteries
in the vicinity, simultaneously opened a fire on Fort
Niagara, which was continued throughout the day ; and,
according to the American official accounts, with considerable execution..
On the night of the 28th, a strong corps of the enemy under Colonel Boerstler and Captain King, aided by
a party of seamen, crossed the river about two miles
below Fort Erie, apparently for the purpose of siezing
the batteries, preparatory to the movement of the main
body of General Smyth's force. The batteries were

THE LATE WAR.

127

covered by detachments from the 49th Regiment, commanded by Lieutenants Bartley and Lamont, who
defended their posts with the accustomed bravery of the
corps to which they belonged ; but the overwhelming
force of the enemy obliged them to retire,
In this contest, Lieutenant Lamont was severely
wounded, having received not less than twenty-one
buck-shot in different parts of his body, and the detachment under his command literally "cut to pieces."
Lieutenant Bartley, after making a circuitous retreat by
the edge of the woods, joined Captain Whelan of the
Newfoundland Fencibles, who, with his own company
and three companies of the 3d Regiment of Lincoln
Militia, was repairing in double quick time to the relief
of the forces defending the batteries. The enemy had,
by this time, gained possession of the works.
The enemy was again assailed, an escalade was
effected, and the batteries re-taken at the point of the
bayonet. A most desperate resistance was made by the
enemy, but without eflect. Captain King, of the American forces, a brave and meritorious officer, and about
thirty-eight non-commissioned officers and rank and file,
were made prisoners of war. Colonel Boerstler recrossed the river ; and from the number of killed and
wounded of the Americans strewed over the ground on
which the conflict was maintained, it was evident they
had suffered very severely.
Upon hearing the fire of the contending parties,
Colonel Bishop, who commanded at Chippawa, immediately ordered the militia under Lieutenant Colonel Clark
and Major Hatt towards the scene of action. Major
Ormsby, too, commandant of Fort Erie, marched with
a part of his command, consisting of a detachment of
the 49th Regiment, to the succor of the troops engaged ;
but these detachments only arrived in time to witness

128

HISTORY OF

the gallant conduct of their brethren in arms, who had
effectually repelled the invaders from the shores of their
country.
By the united exertions of Captain Kirby 4f the Militia Artillery, and Bombardier Jackson of the Royal
Artillery, with the men under their command, the guns,
which the enemy had dismounted on leaving the batteries, were replaced on their carriages and brought to
bear upon the retreating boats with much effect.
General Smyth was contemned and ridiculed by people of all ranks and conditions in the United States, for
his pusillanimous conduct in the management of this
expedition; and in order, in some measure, to wipe off
the stain which justly adhered to his character, he promised to make a more effectual attempt; but scarcely did
even this promise suffice to suppress the indignant feelings
which his conduct had already excited in the minds of
the officers and men of his army.
In pursuance of General Smyth's promise, the army
under his command was collected at Black Rock, for
the purpose of making another attempt upon Canada,
on the morning of the 1st December, at three o'clock ;
and at half post four o'clock, the troops and ordnance
were all embarked and in readiness to proceed to the
opposite side of the river. .
General P. B. Porter had, pursuant to General Smyth's
orders, placed himself in a boat, accompanied by Major
Chapin with a few other officers and about twenty-five
Buffalo volunteers, at the right of the first line which
extended nearly half a mile, to lead the van of the enterprise. But " at daylignt," says General Porter in
his expose of that affair to the public, " we discovered
the troops disembarking, and were informed that the
invasion of Canada had been abandoned for this season,

and that the troops were ordered to winter quarters. A

71IE LATE WAR,

129

scene of confusion ensued which is difficult to describe :
About four thousand men, without order or restraint,
discharging their muskets in every direction."
After such a base betrayal of the trust reposed in

General Smyth by his government, a flag of truce arrived from that general to Colonel Bishop, who had
taken command of the troops in the neighborhood of
Fort Erie, for the surrender of the fort and troops under
his command. " Let your general come and take the
fort and troops," was the reply of that officer ; but
General Smyth did not apparently covet another rencontre ; his troops therefore disappeared, and he retired
from the service.
The British forces engaged in this affair received the
unqualified approbation of the commander in chief.
indeed, when it is considered that Colonel Bishop, with
a handful of regulars and militia, successfully repulsed
such a formidable invasion, language seems barren to
mete their praise.
Thus terminated the campaigns of 1812 on the Canadian frontiers. The affairs on the Lakes were not attended
with any thing of sufficient importance to claim a notice

in general history. The American army under General
Dearborn, which was intended to make an attack upon
Lower Canada, had lain comparatively dormant, suffering
the season to glide past without scarcely being heard of,
until the winter began to set in, when it removed into
quarters more suitable to that season of the year.
The disappointments and defeats of Generals Hull,
Wadsworth and Smyth were sufficient lessons, however,
to admonish the American government, that the fidelity

of His Majesty's Canadian subjects towards the British
government and constitution, was founded upon too solid
a basis to be shook by any effort in the power of that
government to make

,

HISTORY OF

THE LATE WAR.

For the benefit of the distant reader, it might not be
improper to close the account of this campaign with a
geographical description of the theatre of military operations, that a more correct idea may be formed of the
manoeuvring of the armies, and of the strength of the
positions for which they had to contend.

erected, of the same materials with Niagara, called Fort
George, on the British side of the river, on a position
which seems, by being more elevated, to command the
position of Fort Niagara ; but the works on both sides
have been suffered to fall into a state of dilapidation,
especially that of Fort George. The paint blanc distance
of the two works is very little over a mile ; and about
three quarters of a mile, of a beautiful plain, separates
Fort George and Newark.

130

Queenston is a neat little town about seven miles below the Falls of Niagara, at the head of the navigable
waters of that strait. It is overlooked by a steep hill,
called Queenston Heights, probably more than three
hundred feet above the level of the river—the position
for which the conflict with General Wadsworth's division
was maintained. Queenston is the place of depot for
all public stores and merchandise which are brought to
that place from Kingston and Lower Canada. Public
stores for forts Erie and Malden, and merchandize for
all the country above, as well as the returns of furs and
produce by that route downwards, are all stored for a
time at Queenston. They are transported over the carrying place by wagons, a distance of nine miles, to and
from Chippawa above the falls. Queenston is an excellent harbor—deep water and good anchorage—the banks
on both sides are elevated, and the landscape probably
amongst the most splendid and sublime in the world.
NewarkI is on the same side of the the river with
Queenston, close to where the Niagara river empties
into Lake Ontario. Upon the evacuation of the western
posts by the British, Fort Niagara, on the opposite side
of the river to Newark, was surrendered to the United
States. The site for this fort was selected in 1751, by
the French, and was considered as the key to the inland
country. In its best state it was, however, only a raw
part of ear li, scarped with a stockade, and a spacio iss
barrack within the works. The encroachment of tlb
waters threatens to undermine it ; but a work has be
1Now Niagara.

131

The war, by this time, had become very unpopular
throughout the United States ; and the people, becoming
every day more and more discouraged from the frequent
disasters which befel their armies, and which every
day's report was sounding in their ears, seemed to betray
a strong anxiety that matters should be adjusted between
the British government and that country, upon any sort
of reasonable terms ; but this Mr. Madison and his satellites prevented by offering the most ridiculous and
absurd terms of arrangement, on the least approaches to
na amicable understanding that would show itself upon
either side.
The President proposed an armistice, on condition
that the Orders in Council should be immediately rescinded and that the system of blockade shouid not be
revived—and that all American seamen, on board of
British shipping, should be forthwith discharged, without
any condition or limitation as to how they might have
become American citizens—and that a stop should be
put to searching American vessels for British seamen.
Thus did the American ruler demand that all advantages
should preponderate on his side. The unconditional
repeal of the Orders in Council did he require—the
immediate discharge of every man, in the British navy,
who had ever obtained a certificate of American citizenship, (and the most scrupulous honesty was not at all
ti mes observed either in giving or receiving those certificates,) and that the system of blockade should not be

132

IIISTORY Or

revived. And what was to be the return for which the
British government should make all these concessions ?
Verily Mr. Madison would suspend, for a time, (that is,
during his sovereign pleasure,) the operations of his
mighty means of warfare against Great Britcun. To
concede to such propositions was not consistent with
the honor of a great and mighty nation like Great Britain : they were therefore rejected. The President, in
a subsequent message to Congress, complained loudly of
the conduct of the British government, in rejecting every
proposal for a pacific arrangement which had yet been
offered ; and he even indulged in a series of the grossest
misrepresentations. He reiterated his old assertion,
that the Indians in the service of the British government
had been guilty of the most unheard-of atrocities towards
such of the American people as had fallen into their
hands as prisoners of war ; and contrasted the conduct
of the British with the pacific disposition evinced by
the people of the United States, who, he stated, were
only anxious to promote civilization among the Indian
tribes. But probably the best evidence, as regards the
humanity of the British and Indians in this respect, may
be found in the despatches of General Brock to Sir
George Prevost, dated Head Quarters, Detroit, 17th
August, 1812. " Many of the Indian nations," says
he, " when this contest commenced, were engaged in
active warfare with the United States, notwithstanding
the constant endeavors of this government to dissuade
them from it. Some of the principal chiefs happened
to be at Amherstburg, trying to procure a supply of arms
and ammunition, which for years had been withheld,
agreeably to the instructions received from Sir James

Craig, and since repeated by your Excellency.

THE LATE WAR.

137:

"From that moment they took a most active part,
and appeared foremost on every occasion. They were•
led yesterday by Colonel Elliot and Captain Mc. Kee,
and nothing could exceed their order and steadiness.
A few prisoners were taken by them during the advance,
whom they treated with every humanity ; and it affords
me much pleasure in assuring your Excellency, that
such was their forbearance and attention to what was
required of them, that the enemy sustained no other loss
in men than what was occasioned by the fire of our

batteries."

134

HISTORIC OF

CHAPTER XVII.

Engagement between the Charier and Constitution—At;
ere
tempts made to board the Constitution—The Ca
rendered completely unmanageable---She surrenders—
Remarks.
A PERIOD, most of the events of which have just
passed in review, must now be returned to. An ardent
anxiety had been for some time expressed, both in Great
Britain and America, that the British and American navy
should have an encounter—of the result of which, no
doubt, on either side, appeared to be entertained. The
day, however, arrived.
On the 19th of August, in latitude 40 degrees 20
minutes north and longitude 55 degrees west, off the coast
of Labrador—the Guerriere, (British frigate,) Captain
Dacres, and the Constitution, (American frigate,) Captain Hull, met—the former of which rated thirty-eight
guns but mounted forty-nine and mustered at quarters, at the commencement of the action, two hundred
and forty-four men and nineteen boyst : the latter rated
forty-four guns but mounted fifty-six, of uncommonly
heavy metal, and mustered at quarters, at the commencement of the action, four hundred and seventy-six men,
almost double the number of the Guerriere.

tit is probably not unworthy of remark, that on board of the
Guerriere at the time of this engagement, there were ten American
seamen who had for a number of years belonged to her ; but as
the declaration of war by the United States, was not known at
tie time of her sailing, no opportunity of course had since that
period offered itself for discharging them. The gallant and generous Dacres, however, conceiving it to be unjust, in the extreme,
to compel them to tight against their countrymen, ordered them
to quit their quarters and go below.

TIIE LATE WAR.

135

The Guerriere, being on her return from a cruise--her
foremast and bowsprit both considerably crippled, and a
great part of her fore rigging gone—discovered a sail on
her weather beam, which afterwards proved to the
United States frigate Constitution, bearing down b ire
fire wind. She immediately made sail and gave chase ;
all hands were called to quarters and the ship cleared
for action.
At about twenty minutes past four, the frigates came
to close quarters, and a heavy fire was continued for
some time. About half past five, the mizen mast of the
Guerriere was shot away and fell over the starboard quarter, which brought the ship to the wind against her
helm, and left her exposed to a galling fire from the
Constitution, which had placed herself on the larboard
bow of the Guerriere, and was raking her fore and aft.
At the same time, her marines and riflemen were picking from the decks of the Guerriere all whom they found
to be most efficient.
Several attempts were made by the crew of the Guerriere, to board her opponent ; but the sea ran so high, and
the ship refusing to answer her helm, it was found to
be impracticable.
At twenty minutes past six, the fore and main masts
of the Guerriere went over the starboard side, which completely rendered the guns on that side useless ; and just
as the crew had finished clearing the wreck, the sprit-sail
yard gave way, which left the ship an unmanageable
wreck in the trough of the sea, rolling her main-deck
guns tinder water. The Constitution, which had previously shot ahead to refit, had now completed and
returned to the contest ; when Captain Dacres called
together the few officers who remained, and held a short
consultation, the result of which was, that they con

HISTORY OF

TILL LATE WAR.

ceived any further resistance a useless waste of valuable
lives ; the Union Jack was, therefore, taken from the
stump of the mizen mast, where it had been, ftom
necessity, nailed fast.

'Cite war Nva: now becoming popular thioughout
America ; and it was in contemplation to augment the
American navy, so as to cope with that of Great Britain.

136

On board of the Guertiere, there were fifteen killed
and sixty-three wounded ; amongst the latter of whom
was Captain Dacres, who received a severe contusion in
the back ; and on board of the Constitution, there were
eight killed and twelve wounded.

13'7

Although there were some unthinking people in England, who censured Captain Dacres for not rather having
allowed himself and crew to go to the bottom than to
have surrendered to an enemy whom they looked upon
as contemptible, yet there were others—and those, too,
who were more capable of forming a juster value

of the American character, and who made a proper esti mate of the relative strength of the two vessels—who
formed quite a diffirent opinion on the subject:-

No blame could possibly be attached to the officers
and crew of the Guerriere : she was defended with the
most consummate skill and gallantry, against a force
almost double their superior in strength, in almost every
point of view, and only surrendered when further resistance would have been the most prodigal waste of lives
of the brave crew that had already done their duty to
their king and country.

To the groundless apprehensions, generated in a moment of disappointment, the best answer probably which
could be made, is contained in the following very sensible and very pertinent remarks*, which may be
read with interest when the puny naval force of America shall.be forgotten,

It redounds much to the honor of the United States—
the manner in which the officers and seamen of the
Constitution conducted themselves towards their prisoners. It was the conduct of the brave towards the brave,
and the wounded were attended with every mark of
kindness.

" There are three of the American frigates, viz.—the
Constitution, the President and the United States, which
were originally intended for line of battle ships, and
are of one thousand six hundred tons burthen and upwards, admeasurement. They carry fourteen twenty-.

Language fails when a description is attempted of tne
triumph of the people of the United States, on hearing
of this, their first naval victory (if after such an unequal
contest it might be so called,) over " the lords of the
main," who, until now, had driven every other power
from the face of the ocean that ventured to contest their
dominion on that element. Public entertainments, of
the most splendid description, were prepared by the citizens of Boston, for the officers and crew of the Constitution, on their landing at that place ; and, in every
town through which Captain Hull passed, the example
of the citizens of Boston was faithfully copied.

four pounder long guns, at each side on their main deck,
and are armed on their quarter deck and forecastle,
which nearly meet, with fourteen thirty-two pounders,
carronades, on each side—making a total of fifty-six
guns heavy. By their capacity, this battery is elevated
possibly ten feet above the lead water line, `from the
lower side of the main deck ports.

'Copied from a respectable English p(
day.

d tln.

HISTORY OF

THE LATE WAR.

" It is right further to remark, that this great capacity
enables them to possess considerably larger scuttles for
ventilating them between decks; and by such combined
power of space and air, they are enabled to carry a
complement of from four hundred and fifty to five hundred men.

quently proceeds into battle, a willing sacrifice to the
honor of the flag whose independence he is most certainly bound to maintain. But surely there should be
some bounds to such honorable chivalry. Formerly it
was necessary, or at least thought so, for a regiment to
remain under a severe galling fire which possibly they
could not return to advantage, merely because a British
soldier was never to turn his back on an enemy. But
such courage is better managed now a days, thanks to
Lord Wellington and other able men who have learned
at his lordship's school. And why not permit our frigates
(of Which, I repeat it, the Guerriere and Macedonian are
as good specimens of force as we can bring ; and being
both taken in single action shows, that they are not
equal to such frigates of the American navy as before
described,) to retire from such force, as they are accustomed to do from two decked ships ?

138

"It is also worthy of remark, that this portion of their
navy forms the elite of the corps, has been long in commission, and commanded by their best officers ; add to
xvhich, that they are our own degenerate sons that man
them, many of whom are absolutely fighting against us,
(as it were,) with halters about their necks.
"The outcry made against the government is, that
this small comparative force has not been already swallowed up. They, however, like a mouse on Salisbury
Plain,' and having a roving commission, are of course
not long in one spot. When met at sea by the Guerriere
and Macedonian, two of our heaviest frigates now in
commission, the fight was between single ships, and the
result has been known, to the sorrow certainly of all
lovers of their country.
" But will it be asserted by any one, that our whole
frigate navy must be remodeled, in consequence of this
check e Would it not be better at once to declare, that
these three ships, viz.—the Constitution, President and
United States, are line of battle ships, having equipments
in men and ordnance and capacity equal thereto; and
exonerate our Captains of frigates from going alongside
of them, unless assisted by some additional force ?
" It should be remembered by the British public,
twat a captain of a British thirty-two gun frigate mounting only twelve pounder carronades, is bound to fight
any single decked ship (meaning thereby ' gun-deck,'
s contradistinguished from quarter-deck and forecastle,
though their two platforms nearly meet,) and GORSE:-

139

" It is said by some, who rather delight in exhibiting
any loss of war, (this country must in common share
with other nations,) as the faults of the persons whose
cause they do not espouse, that we do not man our ships
sufficiently. Why not, say they, muster the same number of men as the American frigates ? The answer
is easy—our frigates cannot stow them; and if stow
them, or rather crowd them, they could not take the
necessary supplies of provisions for the usual period
of a common foreign service, in which British shipping are chiefly engaged, in consequence of our vast
dominions abroad and extensive commercial relations.
Our frigates of the first class, with the exception of
the Endymion and Cambria, the former now repairing, and the latter either taken to pieces or about to
be, are about one thousand and fifty tons, six hun,Ired tons less than either of the American frigates

before described.

i4

'HISTORY OF'

" ft may be then said, and indeed is already said,
build them ! This certainly may be done, and pro
bably will be done to a proper extent, if any fit two
decked ships whose upper works are in a state of
decay, can be found to cut down*. It is also possible that the department or government to which this
great responsibility attaches, may be disposed to do
so ; time, however, must be allowed for such a process. It is easy for people who know little of the
subject, to clamor why have we not this or that, the
moment it is wanted. Do our countrymen, at least
the sensible part, forget that our navy, with the most
rigid economy, costs its twenty millions sterling annually, and would if such prodigality were used, cost
us thirty millions ? Do they forget of what perishable materials ships are composed ? Do they forget
that dreadful disease, the dry rct ? But suppose we
had three, or four, or six, say, of this description of
frigates, like the Americans, either building or cutting
down larger ships for the purpose, it might happen,
and most likely would happen, that they never would
meet the large Americans. The two finest British
frigates, the Endymion and Cambrian, have, I will
not say never been engaged at all, but, certainly never with a frigate of any description.
" But even admitting that we had them, and that
they did meet, might not some of our fast sailing two
deck ships, now in the American seas, be equally and
successfully employed—nay, better ; for the certainty
of ykory, with a comparatively less loss, would be

*These remarks are only adapted to the period in which the
war was in progress ; but it must be recollected it is of that period
that the author is writing ; and he is anxious that not only the
present age, in which he writes, but posterity may be made
acquainted with all the circumstances under which the war was
prosecuted on both sides.

TEE LATE TVAE.

1 41

greater. On the whole, therefore, I consider that the
nation should at once vote, as it were, these three
American sai disant frigates, line cf battle ships; and
support a man, and not run his character down, who
considered it right to retire from one. They would
then be of no more consequence than any other ships
of war ; and, by being liable to capture by one of our
two deckers, are the description of ships, that, if the
American war could long continue, would be too expensive for frigates, and not of force for the line.

142

HISTORY OF

CHAPTER XVIII.
A number of merchant Vessels captured by the Host of

the Ocean—
American Privateers which began to it
Engagement between the British armed Brig Frolic
and the United States Sloop of War Wasp—Crew of
the Wasp boards the Frolic—Frolic captured—Arrival
of the Poictiers of seventy-four Guns, which conducts
both of the Vessels into Bermuda—Captain Jones, of
the Wasp, arrives in the United States—Action between
the Macedonian and the United States—Macedonian
captured—Captain Carden's Reception on Board the
United States—Action between the British Frigate
Java and the United States Frigate Constitution—
Captain Lambert mortally wounded—Capture of the
Java—Remarks..

FRESH proofs were daily accumulating, that the naval
forces of America were not wanting in point of valor
and naval tactics, as was by many, at the commencement of the war, supposed to be the case ; but that they
were probably, at some future period, should the war
continue, destined to dispute the dominion of the ocean
with Britania herself. American privateers began to
swarm from every port in the United States, by which
numerous captures of British trading vessels were made ;
besides which, repeated engagements with the public
armed vessels were occurring, amongst which was an
encounter between His Majesty's armed brig Frolic andthe United States sloop of war Wasp.
On the morning of the 18th of October, in latitude
36 deg. N. and long. 64 deg. W.—His Majesty's armed
brig Frolic, Captain Whinyates, being on her homeward
bound voyage from the Bay of Honduras, having under
convoy six richly laden merchantmen from that quarter,
while the crew were employed repairing damages which

TOE LATE WAR,

143

ithe had sustained the preceding night in a violent gale
vf wind, in which she had carried away her main-yard,
lost her top-sails, and sprung her main-top-mast, she
descried a strange sail which gave chase to the convoy.
Captain Whinyates immediately dropped astern ; and,
not yet aware of the war be tween Great Britain and the
United States, he hoisted Spanish colors, with a view
to decoy the sail and give the convoy time to escape.
About ten o'clock, the sail closed with the Frolic,
and proved to be the American sloop of war, Wasp
Captain Jacob Jones. A close and spirited action commenced; the fire was maintained on board the Frolic
with such animation, for a time, and apparently with
such good effect, as encouraged every- hope of a speedy
termination in their favor ; but the gaff-head braces
being shot away, and the main-mast entirely script of
canvass, the brig became completely unmanageable.
The enemy, taking advantage of this, s'. of ahead and
raked her fore and aft, while the Frolic was unable to
bring a gun to bear on her antagonist.

,

The Wasp again took up her position on the larboard
side of the Frolic, and continued to pour in a most
destructive fire. The Frolic, at length, fell with her
bowsprit between the main and wizen rigging of the
enemy, when she was immediately hoarded and the
British colors hauled down, within about fifty minutes
after the commencement of the action.
What must have been the astonishment of the Amer-WI seamen, when they found not a man alive on the

deck of the Frolic, except three officers and the mariner
at the wheel. Such was the determined bravery with
which the Frolic was defended; and nothing but the
crippled state of the brig, occasioned by the heavy gale
she had encountered the preceding night, could have

144

HISTORY OF

TIIE LATE WAR.

brought on such a speedy and disasterous issue, as the
vessels were nearly equal in strength, both as regarded
men and guns.

Carden, in lat. 29 deg. N. and long. 29 deg. 30
W., descried a sail to leeward, which, after standing
for it some time, was discovered to be an American
frigate of the largest class, called the United States
and commanded by Commodore Stephen Decatur.

The loss of the Frolic, in this sanguinary engagement, was thirty killed and fifty wounded ; while in
the Wasp, the loss was only trifling.
On the same day, while Captain Jones was refitting
in order to convey his prize into port, a sail hove in
sight, which proved to be the British ship of war,
Poictiers, of seventy-four guns, commanded by Captain Sir John Beresford, who re-captured the Frolic,
and captured the Wasp, conducting both vessels into
Bermuda.
A short time after, Captain Jones was exchanged;
and the demonstrations of joy with which he was received in the United States, were almost without a
parallel.
The Congress presented the officers and crew of the
Wasp with the sum of twenty-five thousand dollars as
a compensation for the loss of their prize ; and Captain
Jones was appointed to the command of the Macedonian frigate, which the United States government had
purchased from the captors.
The American navy was destined, before the termination of this year, to acquire yet further triumphs on
the ocean ; which, the high character maintained for a
series of years by the British navy over the naval forces
of those powers with whom they had been at war,
rendered, at once, a subject of astonishment and affliction.
Early on the morning of the 25th'of October, 1812,
a few minutes after daybreak, His Majesty's frigate

Macedonian, commanded by Captain John Surman

145

About nine o'clock, the frigates neared each other,
and the United States opened her fire, which was immediately returned by the Macedonian ; but, by reason of
the enemy keeping two points off the wind, Captain
Carden was prevented coming as close to him as he
wished. In this situation, so discouraging\ to the officers
and crew of the Macedonian, her guns being of so much
lighter caliber than those of the enemy, the action
raged for an hour ; after which the enemy backed and
came to the wind, when the Macedonian brought her
to close quarters. However, it was soon discoverable
that, even then, the superior strength of force of the
enemy rendered the British frigate a very unequal
match.
Yet, notwithstanding the great disparity of force,
Captain Carden maintained the battle for two hours
and ten minutes, vainly hoping that some fortunee
occurrence might turn the engagement in his favor ;
during which time, the mizen-mast of the Macedonian
was shot away by the board, top-masts shot away by
the caps, main-yard shot in pieces, lower masts badly
wounded, lower rigging all cut to pieces, a small proportion only of the fore-sail left to the fore-yard, all the
gulls on the quarter-deck and fore-castle disabled but
two and filled with wreck, two also on the main-deck

146

HISTORY OF

THE LATE WAR.

disabled, and several shots between wind and water,
and a very great proportion of the crew killed and
wounded•.
During the engagement, the enemy had sustained
but very little damage, in comparison with that of the
Macedonian, and had now shot ahead to place himself
in a position to rake his antagonist, while she rolled in
the trough of the tea, a perfect wreck and unmanageable loge. At this crisis of the battle, no alternative
seemed to present itself to Captain Carden but the painful extremity of a surrender.
The heavy loss sustained on board of the Macedonian, in this eventful and sanguinary engagement,
together with the skillful manner in which she was
brought into action and maintained the fight, fully evince
that neither to a want of courage or a knowledge of naval
talks was the defeat to be attributed ; for every effort
of both had been exhausted, and every hope of success
(even by chance itself,) had disappeared, before the
mortifying thought of a surrender had suggested itself;
and to have maintained the action longer, would have
a most unpardonable sacrifice of lives rendered,
bug ere this, truly invaluable to their country.
The loss of the Macedonian was very great: she had
thirty-six killed, thirty-six severely wounded, many of
whom, on examination, were despaired of, and thirtytwo slightly wounded—total loss of the Macedonian,
one hundred and four. The loss of the United States
frigate is stated, in Commodore Decatur's report, to he

*Captain Carden's Report to John W. Croker, Esquire dated
28th October, 1812.
;

ItL

14'7

only seven killed and live wounded ; but the vessel
was very much shattered both in hull and rigging.
Captain Carden states, that after being taken on board
the United States, a lieutenant and six men of that vessel were thrown overboard.
" On being taken on board the enemy's ship," says
the gallant Carden, in his report, " I ceased to wonder
at the result of the battle. The United States is built
with the scantlidg of a seventy-four gun ship, mounting
thirty long twenty-four pounders (English ship guns,)
on her main -deck, and twenty-two forty-two pounders
carronades, with two long twenty-four pounders on her
quarter-deck and forecastle, howitzer guns on her tops,
and a travelling carronade on her upper deck, with a
complement of four hundred and seventy-eight picked
men."
The reception which Captain Carden had when taken
on board the United States, by the gallant Decatur, was
truly characteristic of a brave and generous mind, and
must have been a source of consolation to Captain Carden in that moment of disaster. When Captain Carden
presented his sword to the American commodore, " I
cannot think," said that magnanimous chief," of taking
the sword of an officer who had that day proved that he
knew so well how to use it ; and, instead of taking
his sword, he should feel a peculiar happiness in taking
him by the hand."
On the arrival of the news of this victory, the most
unbounded joy was evinced throughout the United
States; and on the evening of its arrival at Washington,
k the capital,) the city was most brilliantly illuminated.
Another naval action, which, too, terminated in favor
of the American flag, closes the affairs on the ocean for
this year. This was fought by the Java frigate of
thirty-eight guns, commanded by Captain Lambert, and

HISTORY OF

TILE LATE WAR.

the United States frigate Constitution, now commanded
by Commodore Bainbridge*.

battle seemed to rage, in animating his brave crew with
his presence, and by his skill directing their exertions,
now fell, mortally wounded in the breast ; and was, of
course, in consequence, obliged to quit the command,
which devolved on Lieutenant Chads, the first Lieutenant of the ship, who bravely defended the frigate until
every source of hope had failed of saving the vessel
from falling into the hands of the enemy.

148

On the 29th of December, 1812, the Java being on
an outward bound voyage to the East Indies, in latitude
thirteen degrees and six minutes south, and longitude
thirty-six degrees west, and from ten to fifteen leagues
from St. Salvador, discovered a strange sail which was
soon ascertained to be the American frigate Constitution.

The guns of the Java were completely covered with
wreck, and not a spar standing, and the Constitution
had been laid athwart her bows, and was in the very
instant of effectually raking her decks, before the officer
commanding the Java could reconcile his mind to a
surrender ; but the idea of sacrificing so many valuable
lives without the slightest hope of making the least further resistance, only determined him to surrender His
Majesty's frigate to the American commander ; the only
remaining color, which had been made fast to the stump
of the mizen-mast, was therefore taken down.

The Constitution commenced the action by firing at
the Java, while at some distance ; the Java immediately returned a broadside ; both ships begun to near
each other, manoeuvring alternately to gain a raking
position and to avoid being raked ; during which an incessant fire was maintained on both sides with grape
and round shot.
At two o'clock, P. M., the ships came to close quarters. The battle raged, in this situation, till within a
few minutes of three, when the unequal force of the
enemy was becoming more and more apparent. The
jib-boom of the Java having got foul of the wizen rigging of the Constitution, Captain Lambert endeavored
to shoot ahead and extricate himself from the enemy,
and rake him fore and aft, preparatory to boarding him ;
but, while performing this manoeuvre, the main-top-mast
of the Java was shot away directly above the cap, lost
her gaff and spanker-boom, and had her mizen-mast shot
away nearly by the board.
During this part of the sanguinary struggle, the gallant Captain Lambert, who had hitherto engaged himself
in every part of the ship where the greatest fury of the

For the strength of the frigate Constitution, see pages 131
and 137.

149

Captain Lambert only survived his defeat six days,
when that gallant naval officer surrendered his life, (a
valuable one to his country,) covered with wreaths of
laurels.

it

" The Java," says Commodore Bainbridge, in a letter
to a friend, dated at sea, 24th January, 1813, " was
exceedingly well fought. Poor Lambert, whose death
I sincerely regret, was a distinguished gallant officer
old worthy man."
The Java had on board a number of passengers for
the East India station, amongst whom were Lieutenant
General Hislop, appointed to the command of Bombay,
with Major Walker and Captain Wood, his aids de
camp, besides Mr. Marshall, master and commander in
the Royal Navy, proceeding out to assume the command
of a sloop of war on the Indian station. Such a cletcrrn;ned

N2

HISTORY 07

THE LATE WAR.

defence was made on board the Java, notwithstanding
the great disparity of force, that she was so wrecked by
the fire of the enemy as to render it impracticable to
take her to the United States ; she was therefore set on
fire and blown up. The prisoners were landed at Saint
Salvador, on parole, to return to England.

forty-six wounded—by the American report, the number on board of the Constitution is said to be only nine
killed and twenty-five wounded.

1 50

The loss of the Java, in this engagement, was immensely great. It appears from the report of Lieutenant
Chads to the admiralty, that there were twenty-two
killed and one hundred and two wounded*; while the
loss of the Constitution was only ten men killed and

The following letter, (if genuine,) said to have been found On
hoard the Constitution, after the removal of the prisoners into
St. Salvador, gives the loss of the Java much higher than the
report of Lieutenant Chads. However, the reader, after considering the various inconsistent and ridiculous accounts of the
circumstances of the war, from American sources, (as we have
only the American account for this letter,) must exercise his own
judgment in giving it credence.
"Prisoner on board the Constitution, American Frigate,
St. Salvador, Brazils, 1st January, 1813.
" My Dear Sir—
I am sorry to inform you of the unpleasant news of Mr. Gascoine's death. Mr. Gascoine and myself were shipmates i n
the Marlborough, and first came to sea together. He was shot
early in the action, by a round shot, in his right thigh, and died
in a few minutes afterwards. Four others of his messmates
shared the same fate, together with sixty men killed and one
hundred and sixty wounded. The official account you will, no
doubt have read before this reaches you. I beg you will let all
his friends and relations know of his untimely fate.
" We were on board the Java for a passage to India, when we
fell in with the frigate. Two parcels I have sent you, under good
care, and hope this will reach you safely.
" Yours, truly,
H. D. CORNECK,
(signed,)
" Lieut. Peter V. Wood, 22d Regt. of Foot,
Isle of France or Bourbon, East Indies.",

151

In point of strength, the Java might be said to be
nearly equal to the Guerriere when she engaged the
Constitution. True she had a number of extra seamen
on board, for the purpose of manning ships of war in the
East Indies ; but these only crowded her decks and
probably rendered the event more unpropitious.
These naval disasters were viewed, by a number of
people in England, as a certain precursor of the repression of that naval pride and prowess, in British seamen,
which had in such an eminent degree contributed to
their ascendancy on the ocean; but, by those better
acquainted with the advantages under which an American vessel at all times engaged her antagonist, and of the
energy and resolution, even at such times, evinced by
the British tars, when all chances of war and every
combination of circumstances conspired to operate
against them, to an extent capable of subduing all but
those in whom courage and heroism had ever been innate and indestructible principles, it was expected they
would only stimulate to renewed exertions to recover
that proud eminence which they seemed born to hold

on their native element

152

HISTORY

or

CHAPTER XIX.
The American Secretary of State transmits to the American Minister in London, certain Documents relative
to the Declaration of War—Pursuant to Instruction
from the Secretary, Mr. Russel communicates with
Lord Castlereah, on the Subject of an Armistice—Mr.
Russel's Propositions rejected—Lord Castlereah transmits the Prince Regent's Decision on the foregoing—
.Mr. Russel obtains an admiralty Order far Protection
during his Passage to America—Admiral Sir John
Borlase Warren invested with Power to negotiate on
Terms of Pacification with the Government of the
United States—Communicates with Mr. Monroe on
the Subject—Mr. Monroe's Answer.
DURING the perioet, the events of which have but
just been taken in retrospect, negotiations were in progress for the purpose of bringing to a good understanding
the differences between the two countries.
A few days after the declaration of war, a letter was
addressed to Mr. Russel, the charge des affairs of the
United States in London, by Mr. Monroe the secretary
of state, bearing date the 26th of June, 1812, enclosing a
copy of the President's message and an act of congress,
by which the appeal to hostilities was made, together
with the report of the committee of foreign relations
which brought the subject under consideration.
This letter, after recapitulating the grievances so often
repeated by the American government, and stating the
impossibility for that nation to surrender her rights,
relinquishing the ground which she had taken, and that
it was equally incompatible with her interests and character to rely longer on measures which had hitherto
failed to accomplish her objects, it proceeds to state that

153

THE LATE WAR,

war was the only remaining alternative ; and, that fact
being clearly ascertained, he would discover, by the
enclosed documents, that it was adopted with decision.
Mr. Russel was furrier advised in this letter, that
although the United States had many just and weighty
causes of complaint against Great Britain, yet, if the
Orders in Council were repealed, and no illegal blockades
were substituted for them—and orders were given to
discontinue the impressment of seamen from American
vessels, and those restored who had already been impressed—there would uvigt no reason why hostilities
should not immediately cease.
As an inducement (says Mr. Monroe in his letter,)

to the British government to discontinue the practice
of impressment from American vessels, Mr. Russel
should give assurances that a law would be passed (to
be reciprocal,) to prohibit the employment of British
seamen in the public or commercial service of the United Statest.
Agreeably to the instructions contained in Secretary
Monroe's letter, Air. Russel addressed a letter to Lord
Castlereah, dated the 24th of August, on the subject of

Isis instructions, in which, after expatiating at length on
the unceasing anxiety at all times manifested by his
government, to maintain the relations of peace and friend-

tit is probably not altogether unworthy of remark, that the
British government, in return for the numerous concessions it
was called upon to make, was to rest wholly upon the assurances
of the American minister, that a law would be passed at some
subsequent period—that is, no doubt, when it would best suit the
interests of the United States in its collusions with the French
ruler. This is what Mr. Russel, in his letter to Lord Castlereah,
already alluded to, calls proof of the spirit which has unh ormly
distinguished the United States government, in all its proceeding•
.

165

HISTORY OF

THE LATE WAR.

ship with Great Britain—of its patience in suffering the
many wrongs it had received—and finally of its perseverance, by all the amicable means within its power to
obtain redress, it had despaired of ever being able to
receive that redress from the justice of the British
government, to which it had so often appealed in vain—
it therefore conceived (says Mr. Russel,) that a further
forbearance would be a virtual surrender of interests and
rights essential to the prosperity and independence of
the nation confided to its protection, and was therefore
compelled to discharge its high duty by an appeal to
arms.

But his lordship did not forget to inform Mr. Russel,
that, from the period at which his instructions must have
been issued, it was obvious this overture must have
been determined upon by his government in ignorance
of the Orders in Council of the 23d June ; and as a
clause in his instructions actually forbid a departure
from the conditions already specified, it only remained
for his lordship to add that the Prince Regent felt himself under the necessity of declining to concede the
proposition therein contained, as being on various
grounds absolutely inadmissible.

154

Mr. Russel, however, states to his lordship, that
notwithstanding the government of the United States,
for the preservation of its character as a nation, regarded
this as the only course it could pursue, yet he was authorised to stipulate with the British government an
armistice to commence at or before the expiration of
sixty day& after the signature of the instrument providing
for it, upon the conditions set forth in Mr. Monroe's
letter of the 26th June ; and likewise adds, that he
was instructed' by his government, that such an arrangement would prove much more efficacious in securing
to Great Britain her seamen, than the practice for which
it is proposed to be a substitute, indtpendeilt of all
the other objections to it.
In reply to this communication of the American
charge des affaits, Lord Castlereah, in a letter dated
29th August, informed him that although the diplomatic
intercourse between the two countries had been terminated by a declaration of war on the part of the United
States, he had not hesitated, under the peculiar circumstances of the case and the authority under which he
acted, to submit to the Prince Regent the proposition
contained in his letter of the 24th inst., for a suspension
of hostilities

II

I

His lordship, in the same letter apprised Mr. Russel,
that the British government, as soon as it had reason to
apprehend that Mr. Foster's functions might have ceased
in America, in consequence of war having been declare d
by that government before the aforementioned repeal
of the Orders in Council of the 23d June, and the instructions consequent thereupon could have reached
him, measures had been taken for authorising the British
admiral on the American station to propose to the
government of the United States an immediate and
reciprocal revocation of all hostile orders, with the tender of giving full effect, in the event of hostilities being
discontinued, to the provisions of said order, upon the
conditions therein specified.
His lordship, in consequence, as he himself states,
declines entering into a detailed discussion of the propositions which Mr. Russel had been directed to bring
forward ; as his [Mr. Russel's] government had delegated to him no powers to negotiate thereon ; and therefore
rested the negotiation wholly between the admiral at
the port of Halifax, and the government of the United
States.
His lordship further expressed his surprise, that a
condition preliminary even to a suspension of hostilities,
no greater security should be given by the American

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HISTORY OF

:government, than a simple assurance that a law should
be hereafter passed prohibiting the employment of British seamen in the public or commercial service of the
United States ; and even on such fallacious security a
.demand should be made, that that government should
immediately desist from its ancient and accustomed
practice of impressing British seamen from the merchant
ships of foreign nations ; yet his lordship expressed the
willingness of the British government to receive from
the government of the United States, and amicably discuss, any proposition professing to have in view, either
to check abuse in the exercise of the practice of impressment, or to accomplish by means less liable to vexation
the object for which impressment had hitherto been
found necessary.
On the morning of the 1st of September, Mr. Russel
received Lord Castlereah's communication containing
the Prince Regent's decision regarding the propositions
alluded to ; upon which the American ambassador
addressed a note, on the same day, announcing his intention to embark immediately at Plymouth on board the
ship Lark, for the United States ; and on the day following, an admiralty order was transmitted to him from
the foreign office, for the protection of that ship as a
cartel on her voyage to America, and for the free embarkation of his family, retinue and baggage, and the
effects of the legation.
During the diplomatic intercourse between Lord Castlereah and Mr. Russel, for the purpose of arresting the
progress of the Nvar, Sir John Borlase Warren, admiral
of the blue and British naval commander on the Halifax
station, opened a correspondence with Mr. Monroe. the
American secretary of state, having in view the same
object.

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157

in Council affecting American commerce, proposing at
the same time that the American government should instantly recall their letters of marque and reprisal
against British ships, together with all instructions for
any acts of hostility whatever against the territories of
His Majesty, or the persons or property of his subjects,
with a particular understanding that immediately on the
receipt of an official assurance to that effect, corresponding
instructions should be issued by the British government,
preparatory to a final pacification between the two
countries.
In answer to the above communication, Mr. Munroe,
in a despatch dated "Department of State, 27th October,
1812," after referring to Mr. Russel's correspondence
with Lord Castlereah, and its unhappy issue, and expressing his hopes that, as the British government had
authorised him to propose a cessation of hostilities, it
was doubtless aware of the important and salutary effect
which a satisfactory adjustment of this difference cannot
fail to have on the future relations between the two
countries—he likewise added, that he indulged the hope
that the 13ritish government, before this period, had
invested him with full power for that purpose. " Experience," adds Mr. Monroe, " has sufficiently evinced
that no peace can be durable unless this object is provided for."
After the secretary informing Admiral Warren that it
was, without further discussion of questions of right, the
ardent degre of the President to provide a remedy for
the evils complained of on both sides, he proceeds to
state, that the claim of the government of Great Britain
is to take from the merchant vessels of other countries
British subjects ; in the practice of which, the commanders of British ships of :var often take from vessels of the
United States American citizens.

Admiral Warren, in a note dated 30th September,
acquaints Mr. Monroe of the revocation of the Oi-e?':s
0

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HISTORY OF

If the United States prohibit the employment of British subjects in their service, and enforce the prohibition,
by suitable regulations and penalties, the motive for the
practice is taken away. It is in this mode that the
President is willing to accomodate this important controversy with the British government, and it cannot
be conceived on what ground the arrangement can be
refused.
A suspension of the practice of impressment, pending
the armistice, continues Mr. Monroe,) seems to be
a necessary consequence. It cannot be presumed,
while the parties are engaged in a negotiation to adjust
amicably this important difference, that the United States
would admit the right, or acquiesce in the practice, of
the opposite party, or that Great Britain would be unwilling to restrain her cruisers.
By what parity of reasoning Mr. Monroe could for a
moment presume that the British government would
i mmediately suspend a practice by which the strength
of her navy was ensured, and her right to which had
never been questioned but by America—merely on an
assurance that a reciprocal law should be afterwards
passed by his government--is a problem not easy of
solution.
Mr. Monroe, after making a few explanations on some
clauses of Mr. Russel's instructions, adds in conclusion,
" that if there were no objection to an accomodation of
the dififer∎ mces relating to impressment in the mode proposed, other than the suspension of the British claim to
i mpressment during the armistice, there can be none to
proceeding, without the armistice, to an immediate discussion and arrangem mt of an article on that subject.
This great question being satisfactorily adjusted, the
way would be opened to an armistice or any otaer course
,

THE LATE WAR.

/5g

leading most conveniently and expeditiously to a general
pacification."
However, the instructions transmitted to Admiral
Warren by the British government, only authorised him
to arrange with the government of the United States, in
the event of an armistice, as far as regarded the revocation of the laws which interdicted the commerce and
ships of war from the harbors and waters of the United
States, while those of France, her adversary, had ever
enjoyed that privilege—leaving for a subsequent discussion all other grounds of difference between the two
governments. All means which had been hitherto resorted to, for an accomodation between the rival states,
having failed, negotiations were stopped ; and war continued to be prosecuted with every possible energy on
both sides.

i 60

HISTORY OF

CHAPTER XX.
Meeting of the United States Congress—Substance of the
President's Message, as regarded the Affairs with
Great Britain—Refers to the State of Finance—President's View in declaring War.
ON the 3d day of November, being the time appointed by law for the meeting of the United States congress,
the speaker, Mr. Clay, took the chair at twelve o'clock ;
when it was found that thirty-eight members were in
their places in the house. In the senate only eighteen
members were present ; and, that number not being a
quorum, both houses were adjourned until next day,
when a quorum was present. The committees for that
purpose then announced to the president, that the two
houses were ready to receive any communication he had
to make, when Mr. Madison, by his private secretary,
Mr. Cole, presented a message.

After the usual routine of congratulations common to
such state papers, Mr. Madison calls the attention of
congress to the motives for assembling a large military
force under the command of General Hull, in the
Michigan Territory, before the declaration of war—representing it as a measure of precaution and forecast,
with a general view to the security of the frontier ; and
in the event of war, to such operations in the upper parts.
of the provinces of Canada as would intercept the hostile
influence of Great Britain over the savages, obtain the
command of the lake on which that part of Canada
borders, and maintain a co-operating relation with such
forces as might be most conveniently employed against
other parts.
After advetting to the disasterous result of the expedition under General Hull in the Michigan Territory,

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161

the president states that that defeat "was not without its
consoling effects. It was followed," says he, " by signal proofs that the national spirit rises according to the
pressure on it. The loss of an important post and of the
brave men surrendered with it, inspired, every where,
new ardor and determination. In the states and districts
least remote, it was no sooner known than every citizen
was ready to fly to arms—at once to protect his brethren
against the blood-thirsty savages let loose by the enemy
on an extensive frontier, and to convert a partial calamity into a source of invigorated efforts.
" This patriotic zeal," adds Mr. Madison, " which it
was necessary rather to limit than excite, has embcdied
an ample force from the states of Kentucky and Ohio,
and from parts of Pennsylvania and Virginia."
This annual exposition of national affairs, next adverts
to the descent made by General Van Rensselaer on the
post at Queenston, on the Niagara River, and of his
subsequent defeat and the capture of his army ; and
ascribes its unfavorable termination to the great superiority of the force with which that army had to contend,
and their not receiving timely support by reinforcements*.
The next topic to which Mr. Madison directs the
attention of the national legislature, is the disappointment
to which their imaginations had been subjected, by not
gaining the command of the lakes, as every effort
in the invasions made into Canada, aimed to that particular object ; however, measures had been adopted to
provide a naval force on those waters, which. it was
confidently hoped, would prove superior to that of the
enemy ; and from the talents and activity of the officer

*See Battle of Queenston, page 11g.
02