Chapter 7
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XII
PRISONERS OP WAR
Although, with the capture of the Right Division,
ceases all military operations of any consequence in the
West, as its imprisonment and detention as hostages form
no inconsiderable feature in the historical occurrences of
that period, I have, under the impression that the narrative would be imperfect without it, decided one detailing
the several vicissitudes to which, principally in their
character of hostages, the captured troops were subjected.
From this it will be seen, that the feeling of dislike and
jealousy entertained by the Americans for everything
English, was precisely in 1812 what it is at the present
day. (1842).
On reaching Detroit, after having traversed for the
last time, as prisoners, that soil which, almost unaided, a
single Regiment had for fifteen months defended against
the efforts of successive powerful armies sent to wrest it
from their grasp, we found that Fort Meigs was the
route through which the Division was to be marched
into the State of Ohio. The majority of the officers,
having pledged their parole to General Harrison, were
suffered to take the advance, mounted on pack horses
provided by the American Government. A few only,
desirous of taking the Sandusky route across the lake,
were embarked in the Ariel gun-boat, and conveyed to
Put-in-Bay island, where the shattered fleets were then
lying. Here indeed was to be seen evidence of a most
sanguinary conflict, especially in Captain Barclay's ship.
Every mast of this___1^....tter had been carried away—more
than half her long guns had been dismounted—and the
bulwarks were in fragments, while it was impossible to
place a hand upon that broadside which had been exposed
243
244
, PRISONERS OF WAR
to the enemy's fire, without covering some portion of a
wound, either from grape, round, canister, or chain-shot.
The decks of all were moreover filled with wounded, and
on being introduced into Captain Barclay's cabin, we
found that gallant officer in bed, presenting a most helpless picture of mutilation. Pain and disappointment were
upon his brow, and the ruddy hue of health, for which
he had ever been remarkable, had deserted him. In short,
of his former self there then seemed to be little left
besides his untainted honor. The scene altogether was
one of a most melancholy and impressive character.
On the second morning of our arrival at this island,
after having taken on board such of the naval officers as
were tibt prevented by the severity of their wounds from
performing the journey, we continued our course for
Sandusky Bay. We had nearly made the spot intended
for our disembarkation, when one of those dangerous and
sudden hurricanes, peculiar to the lakes of Canada during the autumnal months, drove us back under bare
poles, and along the sheet of foam with which the broad
expanse of water was literally covered, to the port we
had just quitted. At length we finally separated from
our companions in misfortune, and after a few hours'
sail were enabled to cast anchor in the bay, where, being
immediately landed, we were conducted to the fort of
Sandusky.
During our stay at this place we had full leisure for
examining not only the defences of the fortress, but the
various positions occupied by our troops during the
assault ; and the result of our observation was, that an
attack on a stockade work of this description, without
the aid of ladders must inevitably entail discomfiture.
The nature of the fortification, and the manner in which
the enemy were protected from our fire, may be judged
of from the fact of their having had only one man killed
in the affair.
That which most excited my own immediate attention
,
AT FORT STEPHENSON
2 45
was the ground occupied by the left column of attack,
consisting chiefly of the light company of the 4ist, to
which I was then attached, and which having forced
their way to the very batteries of the fort had consequently sustained the greatest loss. My escape from the
ravine, where we had continued so many hours, was truly
providential. When the order for retiring was in order
to deceive the enemy, given in the Indian language, it
was immediately explained by one or two interpreters
present with the grenadier column on the right, and
conveyed by them in a low voice to the remaining divisions. Covered by the brow of the opposite eminence,
they followed the course of the ravine in safety, until
they emerged from the defile, at a distance sufficient to
admit of their forming unperceived by the enemy. Nearly all the men of the light column, having received the
order, had retired with the main body ; but those on the
extreme left, having been separated from the line by the
brushwood and other obstacles they had encountered in
the ascent, remained in utter ignorance of what was passing on the right ; and such was the caution observed in
retiring, that neither the enemy in the fort nor ourselves
could distinguish the slightest sound to justify the supposition. It was now half-past nine o'clock. We had
continued since half-past five lying extended on the wet
ground, where the mud was ankle-deep, and most of the
men were chilled with cold. At this moment we heard,
though indistinctly, various orders given in the direction
of our encampment, and then only did we surmise the
fact of the troops having been withdrawn. In this belief
we were speedily confirmed, by hearing a command issued
in a suppressed tone of voice in the fort, to open the
sallyports. Perceiving that no time was to be lost, I
proposed in a whisper, which the rising ground prevented
being overheard by the enemy, that we should brave
every risk, and attempt our immediate retreat. The men,
however, refused to move, until the moon, which was
246
PRISONERS OF WAR
then in the first quarter, and reflecting its beams every_
where but in the bed of the ravine, was set, or should be
obscured by some passing cloud. Leaving them to their
fate, I therefore prepared to effect my escape alone, and
i mmediately in front of the fortress ; but notwithstanding all my caution, I had not advanced many paces, wh en
I stumbled over the dead body of a soldier, who, after
43,aving received a mortal wound, had evidently crawled
on his hands and knees to rest his bleeding form against
a clump of bushes, and had died in that singular position. The noise occasioned by my fall put the enemy
once more on the alert ; and as the moonbeams reflected
on my arms and regimentals, I had no sooner ascended
the opposite side of the ravine, than the whole front of
the fort was lighted up with their fire. Not an individual,
save myself, was exposed to their aim, and the distance
did not exceed fifty paces; yet, although the balls
whistled round my ears in every direction, and hissed
through the long grass with which the plain was covered,
I did not sustain the slightest injury, even though a
second volley was fired after the interval of half a minute. On reaching the spot where the columns had been .
originally formed for the assault, I found that my retreat
had been well-timed, for the troops were already in
motion towards the boats, the guns having been previously embarked. In that which contained my provisionbasket, I discovered a few bottles of port wine, which
had arrived that very morning from Amherstburg. This
was indeed a luxury that I would not at the moment
have exchanged for a throne ; and so thoroughly exhausted was I with hunger, thirst and fatigue, that placing a bottle to my parched lips, I did not abandon it until
the whole of its contents had been emptied at a draught.
The effect was instantaneous, and I lay in the bottom of
the boat all night enjoying the most delicious moments of
repose I recollect ever having experienced. When I awoke
MARCH TO CHILLICOTHE
247
at a late hour on the following morning, a mild September' sun was glancing its golden rays along the tranquil
bosom of Lake Erie, in the centre of which our boats
were all assembled, and gliding along its surface with a
speed proportioned to the vigorous efforts of the rowers—
the men alternately singing and indulging in rude jests,
reckless of the comrades whose dying groans had assailed
their ears a few hours before, and evidently without care
or thought for the future. Every individual of those who
had refused to accompany me on that occasion was taken
prisoner by the American party despatched through the
sallyport.
Some difficulty was experienced at Sandusky in procuring the means of conveyance ; at length, however, on
the morning of the third day, mounted on miserable pack
horses, scarcely able to sustain their own weight, and tottering at every step beneath their additional burden, we
commenced our route for Chillicothe, the place selected
for our detention. A single officer of infantry composed
our escort, and he had been appointed to the service
chiefly with a view to protect us from insult, and to procure lodgings and other accommodations on the road. To
describe the fatigue and privation which we endured
during this tedious journey would require more time and
space than it can be necessary to bestow upon this part
of the narrative. The rainy season had already set in,
and scarcely a single day passed by without our being
literally wet to the skin. Our route lay through an inhospitable tract of country, consisting alternately of
gloomy forest and extensive savannah, the latter often
intersected by streams fed from the distant mountains,
and swollen by the unceasing rains. Sometimes a solitary hut, vying in filthiness with the beings by whom it
was tenanted, afforded us shelter for the night, but more
frequently we found that repose which absolute fatigue
IThis_happened on the 3rd of August.
248
PRISONERS OF WAR
ARRIVAL AT CHILLICOTHE
and exhaustion ensure to the traveller, near the fires we
were compelled to kindle in the forest. At length our
jaded animals, slipping at every step, and threatening to
sink beneath their efforts, brought us to Fort Wayne.
Here we were provided with other horses, but of the
same miserable description : their backs cruelly galled by
the ill-stuffed saddles, and their ribs almost protruding,
from beneath their hair-divested hides. The appearance of
these unfortunate animals was pitiable in the extreme ;
and few of us, on leaving Fort Wayne, entertained the
slightest doubt of their sinking successively beneath us,
before our destination could be gained. The rain still
continued to fall, and during the latter part of October
and the commencement of November we never once beheld
the sun. Many of the officers were without great-coats,
having been plundered of everything, as well by the followers of the division as by the enemy themselves ; and,
although we each possessed a change of, linen, during
f having
the whole journey
we had no opportunity,Qanything washed,
so that in a short time we ere infested by
as
vermin, which gave the finishing stroke to our calamities.
Still we proceeded on our journey, and through a country
of the same character with that we had previously traversed. On one occasion we found ourselves stopped by
a stream of considerable depth, the bridge over which had
been broken down by the torrent. No other alternative
remained than to swim our horses across, or run the risk
of their breaking their legs in the interstices of the bridge,
which had partly sunk beneath the surface of the water.
The former course was, after due deliberation, adopted ;
and lots having been drawn, the first attempt devolved
on Lieutenant Stokoe of the Royal Navy. Spurring his
horse into the current, this officer with much difficulty
reached the opposite bank ; but, unable to effect a landing,
was thrown from his seat in consequence of the violent
struggles made by the animal, and, with one foot fastened in the stirrup, lay for some moments in imminent
danger of perishing. At length, after much exertion, he
succeeded in disengaging himself, when clambering up
the steep, he soon drew his horse after him. This experiment being considered too dangerous for 'repetition,
we decided on effecting our passage across the bridge ;
and owing to the caution we observed, no accident occurred to the horses—a circumstance peculiarly fortunate,
since we could have found no means of supplying our
loss. After several weeks of tedious travelling through
this dreary region some few traces of civilization and cultivation were perceptible, and we finally beheld the banks
of the Scioto. On the opposite shore of this small river
stands the town of Chillicothe; and after having for the
last time committed our steeds and persons to the water,
in default of a bridge, we found ourselves at the termination of our journey, overcome with lassitude, and in a
state which might have caused us to pass for anything
rather than British officers. The party which had taken
the route of Fort Meigs was already arrived, and with it
the troops of the division.
At Chillicothe I was singularly fortunate in meeting
with a gentleman who exercised the rites of hospitality
in my favor to the fullest extent. An apartment in his
house was appropriated to my service, a cover daily laid
at his table, and his horses declared at my command. In
short, no individual in the character of a prisoner of war
had ever less reason to inveigh against his destiny. This
ray of sunshine was, however, of short duration. Soon
after the arrival of the Sandusky party at Chillicothe, the
officers captured at the Moravian village were, in consequence of an order from the American government, despatched to Frankfort, the capital of Kentucky—those of
the naval service alone being suffered to remain, and,
through the influence used by my kind host, my name
was included in the list of the latter. At the moment
when we began to reconcile ourselves to our situation,
and to appreciate the attention paid us by the more re-
249
250
PRISONERS OF WAR
spectable inhabitants, an order suddenly arrived for our
close imprisonment. This unexpected measure owed its
origin to the following circumstance. Among the prisoners taken at the affair in which the lamented General
Brock lost his life, twenty-three men, recognized as deserters from the various regiments in Canada, had been
sent to England, and subsfkuently tried and convicted.
The execution of the sentence, had, however, been del
ferred. The American government was no sooner apprized of their impending fate, than, acting on that system of naturalization which, in defiance of every principle
of equity, would preclude the hitherto undisputed right
of nations to punish their criminal subjects, they caused
an equal number of British soldiers to be kept closely confined, to answer as hostages for the safety of the convicted deserters. This unjustifiable proceeding was followed by the seclusion of twenty-three commissioned,
and an equal number of non-commissioned American officers, and retaliated by them in a similar manner ; so that
finally nearly all the officers of both parties were deprived
of their liberty, and liable at any moment to answer with
their lives for the apostasy of three and twenty individuals America should have blushed to claim as subjects
of her republic.
.
With a view to the thorough comprehension of the
subject by the reader, and to exhibit in its true light the
extraordinary course pursued by the United States, it
will be important here to annex, not only the remonstrance of the British Government, as conveyed through
two distinct general orders issued by Sir George Prevost,
under the direction of His Royal Highness the Prince
Regent, but the particular instructions, for the close confinement of the officers of the Right Division in the Penitentiary of Frankfort, transmitted by the American Secretary of State to the Governor of Kentucky.
PREVOST'S GENERAL ORDER
251
Headquarters, Montreal, Oct. 27, 1813.
His Excellency the Governor-General and Commander
of the Forces, having transmitted to His Majesty's Government a letter from Major-Gen. Dearborn, stating that
the American Commissary of Prisoners in London had
made it known to his Government, that twenty-three
soldiers of the 1st, 6th and 13th Regiments of United
States Infantry, made prisoners, had been sent to England and held in close confinement as British subjects,
and that Major-Gen. Dearborn had received instructions
from his Government, to put into close confinement
twenty-three British soldiers, to be kept as hostages for
the safe keeping and restoration in exchange of the soldiers of the United States, who had been sent as above
stated to England ;—in obedience to which instructions,
he had put twenty-three British soldiers into close confinement to be kept as hostages ; and the persons referred
to in Major-Gen. Dearborn's letter being soldiers serving
in the American army, taken prisoners at Queenstown,
who had declared themselves to be British-born subjects,
and were held in custody in England there to undergo a
legal trial.
His Excellency, the Commander of the Forces, has received the commands of His Royal Highness the Prince
Regent, through the Right Honorable the Earl Bathurst,
Secretary of State, to lose no time in communicating to
Major-Gen. Dearborn, that he has transmitted a copy of
his letter, and that he is in consequence instructed, distinctly to state to Major-Gen. Dearborn, that His Excellency has received the commands of His Royal Highness
the Prince Regent, forthwith to put in close confinement,
forty-six American officers and non-commissioned officers,
to be held as hostages for the safe keeping of the twentythree British soldiers stated to have been put in close
confinement by order of the American Government.
And he is at the same time to apprise him that if any
of the said British soldiers shall suffer death, by reason
that the soldiers now under confinement in England have
been found guilty, and that the known law, not only of
Great Britain, but of every independent state under similar circumstances has been in consequence executed, he
has been instructed to select out of the American officers
and non-commissioned officers put into confinement as
many as may double the number of British soldiers who
252 PRISONERS OF WAR
shall have been so unwarrantably put to death, and cause
such officers and non-commissioned officers to suffer death
immediately.
And His Excellency is further instructed to notify to
Major-Gen. Dearborn that the commanders of His Majesty's armies and fleets on the coast of America have received instructions to prosecute the war with unmitigated
severity against all Cities, Towns and Villages belonging
to the United States, and against the inhabitants thereof,
if after this communication shall have been duly made to
Major-Gen. Dearborn, and a reasonable time given for its
being transmitted to the American Government, that Government shall unhappily not be deterred from putting to
death any of the soldiers who now are, or who may hereafter be, kept as hostages for the purposes stated in the
letter from • ajor-Gen. Dearborn.
His Excellency the Commander of the Forces, in announcing to the Troops the commands of His Royal Highness the Prince Regent, is confident that they will feel
sensible, of the paternal solicitude which his Royal Highness has evinced for the protection of the person and
honor of the British soldier thus grossly outraged in contempt of justice, humanity, and the Law of Nations, in
the persons of twenty-three soldiers placed in close confinement, as hostages for an equal number of traitors who
had been guilty of the base and unnatural crime of raising
their parricidal arms against that country which gave them
birth, and who have been delivered over for legal trial to
the just laws of their offended country.
The British soldier will feel this unprincipled outrage,
added to the galling insults and cruel barbarities that are
daily wantonly inflicted on many of his unfortunate comrades, who have fallen into the enemy's hands, as additional motives to excite his determined resolution never to
resign his liberty but with his life, to a foe so regardless
of all sense of honor, justice and the rights of war.
(Signed) Edward Baynes, Adj' t-Gen.
Extract from a letter from the Secretary of State to the
Governor of Kentucky.
Nov. 27, 1813.
Sir,—The British Government seems to have given to
this war every degree of savage barbarity and cruelty
which it may be able to inflict. In the close of the late
PRESIDENT MADISON'S ORDER
253
campaign, the British commanders at Quebec seized and
sent to England, twenty-three of our soldiers who had
been prisoners, to be tried for treason, on the pretence
that they were British subjects. For so unjust and outrageous an act, the President was bound to confine a like
number of British prisoners in the United States, which
he did in the expectation that the British Government,
seeing the inevitable consequence of the first measure,
would relax from it, or at least leave the affair in the state
in which it had thus been placed for accommodation by
treaty. More recently, however, a measure of still greater
injustice has been adopted. The Prince Regent has
ordered into close confinement forty-six officers of the
United States upon the principle, as he says, of retaliation, expecting, by the violence of the proceeding, to intimidate this government into a submission to the extravagant and unfounded claims of the British Government.
The President has met this measure with equal decision,
by ordering into like confinement forty-six British officers,
as a pledge for the safety of those on whom the British
Government seems disposed to wreak its vengeance.
These officers are ordered to be conveyed to Frankfort,
in Kentucky, to be confined there in the penitentiary of
that State, which is represented to be a building affording
the two-fold advantage of good and safe accommodations.
This step is taken in the full confidence that every
facility will be afforded to its complete execution, by
Your Excellency, that may be expected from a character
so strongly attached to the union, and decided in the support of all the necessary measures to secure success to the
just war in which we are engaged.
General Order, Adjutant General's Office,
Headquarters, Montreal, 1 2 th December, 1813.
His Excellency the Governor-in-Chief and Commander
of the Forces has to announce to the troops under his
command, that he has received a communication from
Major-General Wilkinson, commanding a division of the
army of the United States of America, by order of his
government, of which the following is an extract :
" The Government of the United States adhering unalterably to the principle and purpose declared in the
communication of Gen. Dearborn to you, on the subject of
the twenty-three American soldiers, prisoners of war, sent
to England to be tried as criminals ; and the confinement
254
PRISONERS OF WAR,
of a like number of British soldiers, prisoners of war,
selected to abide the fate of the former ; has in consequence of the step taken by the British Government, as
now communicated, ordered forty-six British officers into
close confinement, and that they will not be discharged
from their confinement until it shall be known that the
forty-six American officers and non-commissioned officers
in question are no longer confined "
It would be superfluous to use any argument to refute
an assumption so extravagant, unjust, and unprecedented
as to deny the right of a free nation to bring to legal
trial, in a due course of law, her own natural-born subjects taken in the actual commission of the most heinous
offence that man can commit against his king, his country, and his God; that of raising his parricidal arm
against his allegiance to his countrymen, by leaguing
with their enemies ; a crime held in such abhorrence by
every civilized nation in Europe, that summary death by
the law martial is its avowed reward, and is inflicted with
unrelenting severity by France, the ally of the United
States. This pretention must appear to every unprejudiced and upright mind as iniquitous and unjust, as is
the retaliation which the Government of the United States
has adopted, by placing in close confinement three and
twenty British soldiers, as hostages for an equal number
of infamous wretches, the unworthy offspring of Great
Britain, who, when drawn from the ranks of the enemy,
solicited to be suffered to expiate their treason by turning
their arms against their employers. These Rebels have
(with the contempt they merit) been consigned to the
infamy and punishment that await them from the just
laws of their offended country, while the Government of
the United States does not blush to claim these outcast
traitors as their own, and outrage the custom of civilized
war, in the persons of honorable men, by placing them on
a par with Rebels and Deserters.
No alternative remains to the Commander of the Forces,
in the discharge of his duty to his king, his country, and
his fellow-soldiers, but to order all the American officers,
prisoners of war, without exception of rank, to be immediately placed in close confinement as hostages for the fortysix British officers so confined, by the express command
of the supreme authority in that country, until the number of forty-six be completed, over and above those now
in confinement.
TREATMENT OF THE BRITISH PRISONERS
255
His Excellency directs that this General Order together
with that issued on the 27th of October, be read to the
troops, that the British soldier may be sensible of the
terms on which America has determined to wage this
war ; confident that he will meet them with proper spirit
and indignation ; for should he become the prisoner of a
foe so regardless of those laws, which for ages have governed civilized nations in war, he would be doomed to a
rigorous confinement, and that only preparatory to a more
savage scene.
(Signed) Edward Baynes, Adj.-Gen.
North America.
But more than either of the foregoing documents, does
the following statement, copied from the Salem Gazette,
prove the nature and consequences of this cruel system
of retaliatimi, as carried on between the two countries.
" TREATMENT OF BRITISH PRISONERS OF WAR IN
THE UNITED STATES.-It is time that the public should
be correctly informed on the subject of the unfortunate
prisoners at Ipswich. Seventeen of our fellow-beings
have been immured in dungeons in our own neighborhood, three months, and the public attention has not
been called to their sufferings. The following we believe
to be a correct statement of this affair.
" On the seventh day of October, 1813, James Prince,
Esq., Marshal of this District, issued his mandate
directed.
" ' To the keeper of the gaol of the United States at
Ipswich, within the District aforesaid—Greeting '—requiring him ' to receive into his custody, and safely keep
in dungeons in the gaol aforesaid, the bodies of Thomas
Cooper, John Clark, Adam Kirby, Samuel Thorp, Thomas
Hewes, John Bendow, James Onion, Richard How,
Daniel Dowland, and James Humphries,' in retaliation for
cruelties ' said to be " exercised ' on certain persons
at Halifax, ' and also as hostages to respond for any acts
of violence which may be inflicted on them.'
" By similar orders dated Oct. 11th, 12th, 13th, and
Nov. 2nd, he also directs the under keeper to confine in
dungeons the bodies of Wm. Nickerson, Elkanah Clements, R. Kirkland Black, Wm. Owen, Benj. Johnson, and
James Ross in retaliation for ' cruelties' said to be committed on other American prisoners of war in Halifax.
t
PRISONERS OF WAR
MISERY OF THE PRISONERS
" By another order dated Oct. 12th, the Marshal directs
the gaoler to receive and detain in his custody the body
of Peter H. Diedale, a maritime prisoner of war, without
alleging any other cause, and he has been confined in a
dungeon with the rest.
" These men have ever since been kept in dungeons as
dreary as Mr. Madison could desire. The gaol is a
gloomy stone building. The dungeons are seven feet by
ten on the ground floor, of rough stone at top, bottom,
and on all sides. There are loop holes or narrow openings of two or three inches wide through the upper part
of the stone walls, to admit the little light and air which
these unfortunate victims are allowed to enjoy. In damp
weather, the water runs down the walls and drops from
the stone ceiling over the floors. These dungeons were
never intended for any other purpose, than to punish the
worst of convicts by a few days' solitary imprisonment,
and it is believed have never been used even for that purpose. Yet in these places have innocent men been languishing for three months, sixteen of them, four in a
dungeon, and the other (Captain Ross) in a dungeon by
himself. A few days since ten of them were removed to
the cells in the second story, appropriated to criminals.
These cells are larger than the dungeons, but extremely
cold and uncomfortable. So far have these unfortunate
prisoners been released' (as had been asserted in
another American paper), and no farther. Seven, viz.
Capt. Clements, Lieuts. Owen, Black, and Nickerson,
and two seamen, it is understood, are still confined in
two dungeons, and on some of the late cold nights several
were past recovery, notwithstanding they had received a
supply of warm clothing from some charitable individuals;
and medical aid was necessarily called in to restore the
perishing ; and it is only by this charitable relief and the
attention of the gaoler's family, unwarranted by the
orders of Government, that these poor prisoners are not
dead ! They must have perished, if left to the care of
Government ! Such is the situation of these prisoners,
and this is the retaliation' that is called ' Christian '! "
disproportion of prisoners was greatly in our favor, as
well in regard to rank as numbers ; but we had too much
reason to apprehend, from the unqualified hatred manifested towards us by the populace in the States of Ohio
and Kentucky, that the will of their rulers would have
had little effect in restraining the ebullition of their rage,
had the original sentence been carried into execution.
Let it not be imagined that this idea arose simply from
surmise, or had its being in the vague apprehension of
men who, more immediately interested in the result,
might be deemed ready to admit the agency of fancy in
their impressions of impending evil. Several gentlemen,
estimable for their rank and character in these States,
warned us during their occasional visits of the fact, and
with every opportunity of ascertaining the public feeling,
communicated circumstances which left us no reason to
infer that their fears for the result should be disregarded.
Our sensations in consequence were not, it will be
i magined, of the most pleasing or enviable description.
The common gaol of the town had been fixed on for our
abode, and we were distributed into two small rooms in
an upper story, communicating with each other, and containing each ten persons. During the day they were left
open, but carefully locked and bolted at night, and sentinels were posted in the corridor into which they opened.
The height was upwards of sixty feet from the ground ;
and through the strong bars with which the windows
were furnished, we beheld others pacing to and fro, and
exercising their vigilance so far as to direct their attention repeatedly to our rooms. Thus guarded, and unprovided with instruments of any description whatever, we
had no hope of effecting an escape ; while, to crown our
misery, fortune had thrown us into the hands of a gaoler
of the most ruffianlike character. On one occasion, in
consequence of some trifling misunderstanding with an
Interpreter who had been confined in the adjoining room
—a mai remarkable for the mildness and forbearance of
his nature,—the wretch inflicted so severe a wound on
256
That the threat of retaliation would have been carried
into effect by the American government, it is scarcely
possible,to believe, since, exclusively of the blot such a
proceeding must have imprinted• on their character, the
257
258 PRISONERS OF WAR
PLAN FOR ESCAPE FORMED
his head with a ponderous key, as to cause the blood to
gush forth with extreme violence. When visited by th e
officer of the guard, a complaint was preferred by the injured man ; but the liberal republican, with true patriotic feeling, justified the act of his countryman, and concluded by threatening a repetition of the punishment.
We had now been some time in this disagreeable situation, when a project was formed which promised to throw
a more favorable coloring over our destiny. The whole
of the captive division, including the seamen, were confined in a fortified camp, erected for the purpose on the
skirt of a wood adjoining one of the suburbs of the town,
and were guarded by a considerable detachment of regular infantry. These noble fellows were no sooner apprized
of the ignominious fate with which their officers were
threatened, than with the generous devotedness characteristic of their respective professions, they deputed two
sergeants who had been suffered to communicate with us
on subjects relative to the clothing of the men, to express
their determination to effect our liberation, or perish in
the attempt. Accordingly, the following plan was
adopted, and fixed on for execution at a certain day. At
midnight, the men were to rise and overpower the guard,
and having secured them, and possessed themselves of
their arms, to separate into three distinct parties. The
first of these, headed by one of the deputies, were to
advance on the prison, and having effected our liberation,
to hasten to the boats on the river, which the second
division was to have secured ; while the third, patrolling
the streets in silence, were to prevent the inhabitants
from assembling and impeding the operations of the first.
The plan, hastily adopted, from the circumstances in
which we found ourselves placed, was at best a wild one,
since, had it succeeded in all its primary stages, we must
have been eventually destroyed in descending the narrow
river of the Scioto, by the fire from the numerous riflemen the enemy would have collected, on the first intima
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259
tion of our departure. We were then, however, sanguine
of success, and none paused to consider the difficulties
that awaited us after our liberation, in the heart of an
enemy's country, where ammunition and provisions were
alike beyond our reach. We spoke of our descent of the
Mississippi from the Scioto, and the Ohio, and our final
reception on board the English fleet we knew to be cruising off New Orleans, as a matter of course, and discussed
our meditated movements with all the confidence of the
soldier, but certainly with little of the prudence or foresight of the general. Such was the plan decided on for
our escape ; but, while awaiting the completion of the
necessary preparations, a circumstance, ludicrous in itself,
yet alarming in our actual position, threatened to blight
every hope by which we had lately been sustained. One
morning about daybreak, the noise of workmen was distinctly heard beneath the windows of the room in which,
covered with a solitary blanket, and huddled together
without order or ceremony, we contrived to enjoy a few
moments of repose. One of the party immediately jumped
up, and running to the window,beheld a number of men engaged in the erection of a scaffold. The exclamation wrung
from him by the sight, drew us all to the spot, and then,
indeed, we might be said to have experienced the sensations of men who behold for the first time, and without a
hope of reprieve, the gloomy preparations for an ignominious end. The predominent sentiment with us was,
however, less regret for the existence we considered ourselves about to forfeit, than rage at the idea of having
surrendered ourselves prisoners of war to an enemy capable of violating every principle of justice, for the sake
of shielding a few perjured and despicable criminals from
the laws of their offended country. In this state of cruel
suspense, we continued until nine o'clock, the hour at
which the bolts of our prison were withdrawn for the day,
when the explanation given by the gaoler dissipated our
alarm. The scaffolding was being erected for the purpose of
260
PLOT REVEALED: IN FETTERS
PRISONERS OF WAR
sinking a pump for the use of the prison ; and the indistinct view we had obtained of the construction through
our bars had given rise to the error.
At length the much-wished-for day fixed on for the
execution of our enterprise arrived, and we arose, as we
fully hoped, from our couch of misery, for the last time.
To persons in our situation, it may easily be imagined,
the hours appeared to move on leaden wings, yet we
doubted not an instant of a favorable result. Fate had,
however, ordained otherwise. At four in the afternoon,
while yet partaking of our wretched meal, the trampling
of horses' feet, and a confused sound of drums and voices,
drew us suddenly to the window, and in a few minutes
we beheld Governor Shelby literally armed to the teeth,
a rifle on his shoulder, and accompanied by a numerous
staff, riding up at full speed. We were for some time lost
in astonishment and unable to account for this singular
appearance ; but a clue to the mystery was soon afforded
by the entrance of an American officer, who, leaving his guard in the corridor, advanced into the outer room, accompanied by a formidable cyclop, bearing certain insignia of his trade, with which we could very willingly
have dispensed.
For the better insurance of success in our enterprise, it
had been found necessary to admit two individuals in the
town into our confidence—certain essential and preliminary arrangements remaining to be effected. These gentlemen were of the federal party, and entered into our
views with a willingness which gave very fair promise of
a favorable issue. We had been rather intimately known
to them prior to our confinement, and with their sentiments, both political and private,we were well acquainted.
The measures necessary to forward our undertaking
were faithfully executed by them, and on the morning of
the night which was to give us to liberty, as we fondly
i magined, nothing of a preparatory nature remained to
be done. Seized, however, by a sudden panic, and anti
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261
cipating the consequences of a discovery of co-operation
with the enemies of their country, they resolved to elude
the danger they feared, by a voluntary and unreserved
disclosure of our intentions to the Governor of the State,
who resided in Chillicothe. This was accordingly done,
and the active and precautionary measures consequent on
this alarming intelligence, had given rise to the bustle
and tumult which assailed our ears from without, and
carried disappointment and despair to our hearts.
This latter information was conveyed to us by our new
visitor, Lieutenant Harrison, of the 19th Infantry (a
gentleman whose name I feel peculiar pleasure in recording), who now proceeded to communicate the disagreeable duty with which he was charged, and which the
equipment of his forbidding attendant, armed with a
hammer, anvil, and about twenty pairs of hand-cuffs,
sufficiently explained. With a tearful eye and in a faltering tone, did this gentleman entreat us to lose sight of
the man in the subordinate, and to believe how much it
pained him to be the instrument selected for the purpose.
Such an indignity, he said, he deplored being compelled
to offer to British officers ; but he trusted that with men
to whom the rigor of military duty was familiar, the public act would be forgotten in the expression of private
feeling. The delicacy of such conduct was felt by all,
and we hastened to assure him of our grateful sentiments
in return. He then desired the man to proceed to the
execution of his office ; and in less than an hour the
hands of the whole party, myself alone excepted, were
fettered with irons, which the rough and malignant-looking son of Vulcan seemed to feel no little satisfaction in
applying. On inquiry, I learned that I had been excepted
at the express desire of Colonel Campbell, commanding
the troops at Chillicothe,from whom the order had emanated. For this favor I felt that I was indebted to my
kind friend Mr. Brush, but as I had little inclination to
be exempted from a participation in the fate of my com-
262
263
PRISONERS OF WAR
SUFFERINGS WHILE IN IRONS
panions, I expressed myself to that effect to Lieutenant
Harrison, requesting at the same time that he would
i mpart tts the Commandant, who was the colonel of
his own regiment, the utter disinclination I entertained
to owe him any thing in the shape of obligation, while
my brother officers were manacled as felons.
On the departure of the officers we had full leisure to
reflect on the hopelessness of our situation, and we inveighed not a little against the defection of our American
friends, though, in fact, our own folly alone was to be
taxed in having made the subjects of a country so interested in our detention accessory to the design. These
reflections, however, finally yielded to a feeling of mirth
excited by the ludicrous appearance we exhibited, stalking about the room like spectres, and deprived of the
usage of our arms ; and we began to enjoy the panic
partly visible to our eyes, and principally ascertained
from our gaoler, from whose account it appeared large
bodies of the inhabitants were already assembling to the
sounds of the alarm drums and bugles. The guards and
sentinels of our prison had been doubled at the first
rumor, and the militia of the adjacent country were
flocking in to strengthen the troops intrusted with the
security of the men. It was not until a late hour in the
night, that these warlike preparations appeared to be
completed, the rolling of the drums frequently breaking
on our ears, as we lay extended on our blankets, to
which, after a close examination of our apartments by
the gaoler, followed by an unusually careful application
of bolts and keys, we had long since consigned our
aching limbs.
In the state of utter helplessness to which my companions were reduced, we found the advantage of the exception made in my favor, since I was thus enabled to per
form many little offices which the brutality and remissness of the gaoler left us no hope would be attended to
by him Three days had now elapsed since the visit of
Lieutenant Harrison, when the situation of the sufferers
had become irksome to a degree. Not once, during that
period, had they been permitted to throw off their clothes,
or perform their customary ablutions ; and when they descended to the court, which was rarely and but for a few
minutes, a sentinel followed with his bayonet extended,
and within a foot of the prisoner. Their hands and
wrists had also become extremely swollen by the cornpresssion of the irons, and the extremities of the fingers
of several were discolored with the quantity of blood propelled to those parts. Under these circumstances I wrote
a polite note to Colonel Campbell, detailing the several
inconveniences sustained by my brother officers, and requesting that he would cause the fetters to be removed
under the inspection of an officer, and merely for the time
requisite to clean their persons and change their linen.
To this communication I received a negative reply,
couched in the most positive and unfeeling terms. I immediately wrote a second, expressive of our united sentiments in respect to his conduct, which I had no doubt
would have brought down the wrath of the generous
commandant on my head ; but no notice whatever was
taken of the letter. Finding it vain to expect any relief
from this quarter, we adopted an expedient which
answered all the intention proposed. With the aid of an
old knife, we contrived to divide the nails by which the
irons were riveted around the wrists, and substitute
others of lead, a small, quantity of which article one of
the midshipmen happened to have in his haversack. The
relief afforded by the removal of the fetters, which was
only effected by stealth, and at those moments when we
considered ourselves free from interruption, was grateful
to all, although the fingers were so cramped by the extended position in which they had been kept, as to render it difficult and painful to move them. The leaden
pins had been blackened to imitate iron, and as the
sleeves were carefully drawn over, the deception could
-
264 PRISONERS OF WAR
only be discovered on a minute examination. Thu s
were the officers enabled not only to enjoy some little
cessation from suffering, but to attend to the comfort and
cleanliness of their persons, an advantage for which they
certainly were not much indebted to the humanity of the
public authorities of Chillicothe.
Nearly ten days had succeeded to the detection of
our plan of escape, when, one evening at a late hour, we
received intimation to prepare for our removal to the
penitentiary of Frankfort in Kentucky, and accordingly
the next day, about two o'clock in the afternoon, we
were conducted to the front of the prison, where a
detachment of regular infantry was drawn up with
their ranks facing inwards, and at extended order. Between these ranks we were placed two abreast, and the
detachment being ordered to face to the right and left,
we moved on, thus escorted or rather enfiladed, from the
gloomy walls of our prison. As if to humiliate us to the
last degree, and add insult to misfortune, we were paraded
through the principal streets of the town, though such a
route was at once circuitous and unnecessary. The
taunts and hisses of the populace who had assembled at
an early hour to witness our departure, and were now
with difficulty kept back by the guard, followed us
throughout ; but the clamorous ebullition of their hate
gave us far less concern than the sombre countenances
of the more respectable inhabitants, collected to view the
passing scene. Those with whom we had lately associated, and who had exercised the courtesies of hospitality
in our favor, now gazed upon us with various expression
—some in a triumphant disdain originating in a false
rumor, which had been industriously circulated of a design to fire the town—others with evident interest and
concern, arising from a conviction of the injustice of such
a charge. Friends and foes were, however, alike to us
at that moment, and the proud indifference of our looks
rested on all with the same cold expression ; for we felt
REMOVAL TO FRANKFORT
265
that the ignominious treatment to which we were then
being subjected, reflected, not on us, who had attempted
the fulfilment of a duty we owed both to our country and
to ourselves, but on those who thus abused their power
over us as defenceless captives. At length when it was
presumed that the good inhabitants of Chillicothe had
sated themselves with a view of the " incendiary English " we were conducted to a large boat on the river, already manned with soldiers, and awaiting our arrival.
It was with a feeling of real pleasure that we found
Lieutenant Harrison to be the officer in command of the
detachment to whose charge we were here given over ;
and as we took our places, the boat was pushed off from
the shore, and quickly glided down the Scioto, amid the
continued hootings of the rabble, collected at the point of
embarkation on its banks. Impressed with various reflections arising from the preceding scene, few of the
party were disposed for conversation, and an almost uninterrupted silence had prevailed some hours, when, towards
the close of the day, the boat struck against a " sawyer,"
or trunk of a tree carried off from the land during the
floods, and frequently stationary in the beds of rivers,
from whence, when acted on by the tide and current, it
rises suddenly to the surface in a perpendicular direction,
preserving a state of reaction, and threatening destruction even to the largest boats used in the navigation of
the Ohio and Mississippi. The concussion we experienced
gave rise to serious apprehensions for our safety ; and in
an instant the leaden pins of the handcuffs were removed,
but yet with sufficient precaution to escape the attention
of the guard. Lieutenant Harrison, however, caused the
boat to be directed towards the shore, and having expressed his intention to pass the night in an old deserted
building, which stood at the distance of some few hundred paces, we were accordingly disembarked. When arrived at the spot indicated for our temporary sojourn, the
American officer, evidently impressed with a full sense of
266
PRISONERS OF WAR
our recent danger, declared it to be his determination to
remove the fetters from our hands, provided we would
pledge our words to him, as British officers, that no attempt at escape should be made. This step, he observed,
had not in any way the sanction of his superiors, but he
was willing to take the responsibility upon himself, satisfied that our parole once engaged, no ultimate risk could
be incurred. This circumstance, however grateful in
fact, placed the manacled officers in a rather awkward
dilemma, since it was evident that in removing the irons,
which had been replaced the instant the danger was
passed, the deception must be discovered. We had, however, formed too just an estimate of the character of
Lieutenant Harrison to hesitate long in the avowal of a
subterfuge to which we had been driven by suffering and
necessity. Our promise was then given, and the whole
party once more enjoyed the unrestrained use of their
li mbs. At an early hour on the following morning we
again embarked, and a few hours brought us to the point
of confluence with the majestic waters of the Ohio. The
strong current of this expansive river carried us rapidly
forward, and we soon found ourselves at Cincinnati, the
capital of the State.
After leaving Cincinnati, and passing the boundary
line which separates the States of Ohio and Kentucky,
the direction of our course was changed, and we
ascended a small river intersecting the latter state
and leading in the line of the capital. Our progress here was slow and difficult. A thick and apparently impervious wood skirted its banks, and occasionally interweaving its protruding tops, threw a chilling
gloom over the scene, while the close underwood, reaching to the very margin of the waters, seemed to preclude
all possibility of a landing. At length a more open space
was perceptible, and at this point our journey by water,
owing to the increasing difficulty of movement, was discontinued. Horses were procured in the adjacent country ;
.
LIEUTENANT HARRISON'S KINDNESS 267
and, escorted by Lieutenant Harrison, who left his detachment in the boat, we continued our route towards
Frankfort, then at no great distance. After travelling
through a wild and thinly-inhabited country, and along
paths which no other than American horses could have
trod with safety, a range of lofty and gloomy hills, by
which that capital is nearly surrounded, announced the
proximity of what we were to consider as our future
home. The morning was cold and rainy, and as we
wound round the base of a hill which intercepted our
view, the towering walls of the penitentiary, situated in
that extremity of the town by which we approached, fell
suddenly on our gaze. A few minutes brought us in a
line with its principal entrance ; and as we glanced upwards at the low and narrow windows we beheld our
companions thrusting their handkerchiefs through the
bars, and saluting us as they could. They were the party
that had preceded us from Chillicothe, and consisted
chiefly of the officers taken at the Moraviantown. It
was a melancholy moment for recognition, and our feelings had imbibed much of the sombre character of the
season, as we moved on to the spot appointed for our
delivery into the hands of the Marshal of Kentucky.
This duty performed, Lieutenant Harrison bade us adieu,
with a friendly warmth which every individual in our
party fully appreciated and returned. He was in truth
a noble fellow.
On entering the prison of the penitentiary, we found
our friends distributed into two small rooms little larger
than common cells, and crowded together in a distressing
manner ; but many had reconciled themselves to their
situations, and enjoyed a temporary distraction in studying the trades carried on by the convicts in the court,
who cheerfully initiated them into the rudiments of their
respective arts. The following is a correct list, taken
from an American paper, of the names and rank of the
several officers assembled within its walls.
.
268
PRISONERS OF WAR
AGAIN ON PAROLE
Lieut.-Col. Warburton--Major Chambers, D. A. Q m
G.—Major Muir, 41st—Captain Derenzy, do—Capt.
McCoy, do—Capt. Hill, do—Capt. Tallon, do—Capt.
Dixon, Royal Engineers—Lieut. Hailes, 41st—Lieut.
Watson, do—Lieut. Linn, do—Lieut. Jeboult, do—Lieut.
O'Keefe, do—Lieut. Gale, do—Lieut. Purvis, Royal
Navy—Lieut. Stokoe, do—Lieut. Bremner, Provincial
do—Lieut. Rolette, do. do—Lieut. Irvine, do. do—Lieut.
Holmes, Light Dragoons—Ensign Mompesson, 41st—
Ensign Cochran, do—Ensign Jones, do—A. B. Garden,
Gent. Volunteer, Royal Newfoundland Regt.—J. Richardson, do. 41st—James Laing, do—J. Campbell, Master's
Mate, R.P.N.—G. Collins, do—J. Fortier, do—R. Nelson,
Midshipman
The whole number of prisoners were about 900, including those taken on the lake.
Our residence in the penitentiary was, however, too
limited to admit of perfection in our new occupations.
At this period a strong sensation was produced in
America by the intelligence of Napoleon's unexpected
reverses in Russia. A termination of the war between
Great Britain and France might now be anticipated as an
event of no very remote occurrence, and the ability thus
afforded to the former power of sending a more formidable
army to oppose that of the United States would place the
struggle between the two countries on a very different
footing. Under this view of the case, and as one of the
measures consequent on the altered aspect of the war,
the affair of the hostages was gradually suffered to die
away. The first step, however, was only an amelioration
of our condition, which was effected by our removal from
the penitentiary to the town. The principal hotel in
Frankfort, to which was attached an extensive garden,
surrounded by a low wall, was the place selected for our
residence, with the express prohibition, however, of outstepping its limits. Here on the score of personal comfort we had no reason to complain. Three shillings a
.
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269
day was the allowance granted by the American government to each officer, and the sick were entitled to twice
that amount. One room was occupied by two prisoners,
and our table was abundantly supplied with excellent
food. Tea, coffee, eggs, cold meat, and the various
" sweet sauces " to which the Americans are so partial,
composed our breakfast ; while at dinner we generally
found ourselves seated before meats of every description,
and succeeded by a plentiful dessert. Tea, coffee and
hot cakes composed our evening repast. A number of
black slaves were also at our orders, and the preparation
of our linen was included in the moderate charge. Such
was the revolution effected in our position, and but for the
restraint imposed on our liberty, our chains would have
been light.
At length, in consequence of an order from the seat of
Government, we were once more placed on parole, and
permission was accorded to such of the prisoners as chose
to pay their own expenses, and provide their own horses,
to repair to the Canadian frontier. This offer was eagerly
embraced by the field officers and such others as the state
of their finances would permit. The remainder were
compelled to await the issue of the arrangements then in
agitation for an exchange of prisoners, hoping that the
shackles of captivity, which had at the outset promised
to be of long continuance, would speedily be removed ;
and we availed ourselves of the liberty once more
accorded. Several gentlemen of the highest respectability
in the place were forward in offering attention ; and
among the first of these was Major Madison. This officer
had been himself a prisoner in Lower Canada, from
whence he was only recently returned, and, impressed
with a grateful sense of the treatment he had received,
hastened to evince it by various acts of hospitality and
courtesy towards ourselves. We became welcome visitors
in his family, and frequently accompanied him in excursions to several delightful country seats at some distance
270 PRISONERS OF WAR
from the town. Permission was frequently obtained for
us to visit places at the distance of twenty miles without
any escort whatever ; and as our purses had been replenished by the kindness of Mr. Sproule, a Frankfort
banker, without any other guarantee for future payment
than our simple bills, these excursions were not few. A
good understanding was, however, only maintained with
a very small portion of the inhabitants. By the rest we
were regarded with an eye of jealousy and detestation,
and whenever opportunities did present themselves, these
feelings were undisguisedly manifested. One instance
must suffice.
As a slight return for the attentions of Major Madison,
Lieutenant Irvine of the Navy, the person so honorably
alluded to in the first part of this narrative, had, with an
ingenuity for which he was remarkable, constructed a
vessel in miniature for the daughter of that gentleman.
To many of the inhabitants of Kentucky the model even
of a frigate complete in all her parts was a novel sight,
and the present was thankfully received. Anxious to
tender a similar offering, though in a different quarter, a
young midshipman named Campbell, occupying one of
the upper rooms, had undertaken a similar task, and
devoting himself with all the anxiety and ardor of his
years to the completion of his vessel, soon had the satisfaction of seeing it in a state of great forwardness. Most
unfortunately for him, however, he had forgotten that an
English flag, even on a bark of those Lilliputian dimensions, is ever an offensive image to an American eye ; and
decked in this fatal ornament, it now lay exposed in one,
of the windows of his apartment, and was distinctly
visible from the street. On the morning of its exhibition,
a crowd of persons, delighted at having what they conceived a pretext for insult, rushed in a body up the stairs,
uttering imprecations and threats. Having reached the
spot where the object of their fury was lying, they seized
HOPES OF RELEASE CRUSHED
271
the luckless ship, and dashed it on the pavement of the
street, where it was shattered in a thousand fragments,
the leader of the party exclaiming, " You British rascals,
if you show your tarnation colors here again, we'll throw
you after them." This noble feat being accomplished,
they retired, swearing at us all in true Kentucky style,
and leaving poor Campbell to brood at leisure over his
misf or tune .
Shortly after this event, arrived the agreeable intelligence that the whole of the prisoners were to be marched
to the frontier for the purpose of an immediate exchange.
Those alone who have experienced the miseries and restraints attendant on a state of captivity, especially
under such circumstances as those by which that of the
officers of the Right Division was marked, can enter into
the feelings by which we were all more or less actuated.
By many the news, although long expected, of our
exchange being actually effected, had been received as a
pleasing dream or illusion, from which the mind dreaded
to be awakened ; and until the moment of actual departure, that restlessness of impatience which is the offspring
of uncertainty seemed to predominate in every breast. A
thousand things unlikely to occur, but still within the
pale of possibility, presented themselves to imaginations
more disposed to the expectation of gloomy than of agreeable events. The order for our departure might be repealed
—the negotiation for the exchange broken off altogether
—and to crown all, the cruel subject of the hostages
renewed. Pleasurable anticipations belong only to those
who have basked in the unbroken sunshine of Fortune—
those who have been tutored in the school of Adversity
are less sanguine in their hopes, and temper the glow of
generous confidence with the steady calm of warning
experience.
That we were not wrong, indeed, in apprehending interruption to the negotiations, then pending between the
two Governments, will be seen from the following
272
PRISONERS OP WAR
important General Orders issued by Sir George Prevost,
embracing the correspondence between Adjt.-General
Baynes, and General Winder, to whom had been confided
the delicate task of entering on the subject of the
exchange of hostages.
General Order,
Headquarters, Montreal,
16th April, 1814.
His Excellency the Governor in Chief, and Command..
er of the Forces, announces to the troops under his command, that he was pleased to sanction and confirm, on
the 15th inst., Articles of a Convention entered into by
Colonel Baynes, Adjutant-General of the Forces, and
Brigadier-General , Winder of the army of the United
States of America, for the mutual release of all prisoners
of war, Hostages or others, with the exception of the
forty-six American officers and non-commissioned officers
placed in close confinement as Hostages, in conformity to
the General Order of the 27th of October last, in retaliation for twenty-three British Soldiers, confined by
the Government of the United States as hostages for
twenty-three British-born subjects, taken from the ranks
of the enemy, and sent to England for legal trial.
By this agreement it is stipulated that all prisoners of
war the above mentioned alone excepted) shall be mutually exchanged, and delivered at such places as shall be
agreed on, with all convenient expedition, and shall be
declared, respectively and severally, to be released, and
free to carry arms and serve on the 15th day of May next,
the same as if they had never been prisoners of war : and
it has been further provided, that whatever balance shall
appear on the returns of prisoners of war, respectively
exchanged or given up on parole, by either party since
the commencement of Hostilities, the number of Prisoners for which an equivalent has not been returned, shall
be withheld from all military service, until exchanged.
It is with proud satisfaction that the Commander of
the Forces feels confident, that this provisional clause can
never apply to the Army in Canada, from the immense disparity in the number and rank of the prisoners it has restored to the enemy.
All officers, non-commissioned officers and soldiers,
being prisoners of war, who are not prevented in conse-
From a paintm¢ in possession of Mr. 0 Hara Baynes, Montreal.
ADJUTANT-GENERAL EDWARD BAYNES.
PREVOST'S GENERAL ORDER
273
quence of their wounds, are commanded to join their respective corps and stations on the 15th day of May next,
and to resume their military duties.
(Signed) Edward Baynes, Adjt.-Gen.
General Order,
Headquarters, Camp at Chambly,
July znd, 1814.
Several officers of this army having returned from the
United States, where they had been held in close confinement as hostages, and having on their release signed a
conditional parole containing a pledge on their part, to
return to their captivity at the expiration of a limited
period, unless previously exchanged : His Excellency the
Governor in Chief, and Commander of the Forces, considering such parole to be inconsistent with the provisions
of a convention for the exchange of prisoners which was
entered into by persons duly empowered for that purpose
by the Government of the United States, and His Excellency respectively, and has already been carried into
complete execution on his part, and has also been in part
executed by the American Government,—is pleased to
declare that all those officers, whether of the Line or
Militia are absolved from their parole, under and by vir10.
tue of the before-mentioned convention :—that they are
released and free to serve as if they had never been Prisoners of War and are all and severally included in the
General Order of the 16th of April, directing all Prisoners
of War after the 15th of May to repair to their respective corps and stations, and to resume their military
l,
duties.
.
To destroy any doubts which may by possibility be entertained with regard to the complete execution of the
Convention above mentioned ; to satisfy the nice and
scrupulous sensibility with which a British soldier must
ever view and examine an act, professing to release him
from an obligation in which his honor is implicated, and
to remove every apprehension from the minds of those
who may come within the scope of the present General
Order, His Excellency is pleased to authorize the communication to the army under his command, of the principal circumstances attending the commencement, progress, and final conclusion of the Convention to which
allusion has above been made.
.
PRISONERS OF WAR
PREVOST'S GENERAL ORDER
At the solicitation of the Government of the United
States, conveyed in a letter from their Secretary of State
of the 19th of March, and not less induced by his anxious
desire to alleviate the unnecessary severity which the system of retaliation had introduced into the conduct of this
war, the Commander of the Forces did not hesitate in
acceding to a proposal which seemed to promise the attainment of an object so desirable. In that spirit, and
with that view, His Excellency consented to the exchange
of Brigadier-General Winder, (a Hostage) in consequence
of that officer having been selected by the President of.
the United States, as an agent, vested with full
powers to negotiate for an exchange of prisoners of war,
as well Hostages as others. His Excellency was also
pleased to nominate Colonel Baynes as an Agent vested
with similar powers, on the part of the British army.
The negotiation commenced under the most favorable
auspices. The basis and conditions of the convention
being left to the discretion of the two officers above mentioned, it was agreed that all prisoners of war, Hostages
or others (with the sole exception of the British subjects
taken from the ranks of the enemy and sent to England
for legal trial) should be released in conformity to the
regulations of the cartel, General Winder pledging himself that his Government entertained the most liberal
sentiments, and that the great disparity of prisoners, both
with respect to rank and numbers, which the United
States would receive, and for which they had no equivalent to return, should be withheld from service on parole,
until duly exchanged.
This agreement was on the point of being ratified,
when a despatch from the American Secretary of State,
dated Washington, the 22nd March, was received by
Brigadier-General Winder, and was verbally represented
by him to convey a positive prohibition to his consenting
to the release of the twenty-three British soldiers held in
confinement as Hostages for the British subjects sent to
England for trial, unless it was stipulated that they also
should be released, and sent to the United States.
This proposition was instantly answered by a note informing Brigadier-General Winder, that as a new basis
had been substituted by the Secretary of State, inadmissible in principle, the negotiation was in consequence at
an end, and that his partial exchange as a preliminary
measure was also void, and of no effect as emanating
from an act which had from the conduct of the proposing
party become a nullity.
The introduction of this new pretension on the part of
the Government of the United States had arrested the
progress of the negotiation, when a note from BrigadierGeneral Winder came (No. 3) which was acceded to by
Colonel Baynes as the basis of a convention (No. 4).
To ascertain the existence of the power of final ratification on the part of Brigadier-General Winder, the Commander of the Forces was pleased to direct Colonel Baynes
to address to that officer the note (No. 5) and although
the answer of Brigadier-General Winder, as contained in
note (No. 6) did not completely accord with the spirit of
candor professed by him, and manifested by His Excellency, nevertheless the fair construction of it was such
as to carry to his mind the conviction which it must impress on every honorable man who peruses it, that Brigadier-General Winder possessed the power of finally ratifying any new agreement for the exchange of prisoners
into which he might think proper to enter.
Under this impression the Commander of the Forces
was pleased to declare his assent to the immediate release
and exchange of Brigadier-General Winder ; the negotiation for the exchange of prisoners, on the contracted
basis imposed by Brigadier-General Winder, was re-commenced, and the conditions being arranged, a convention
was concluded on the 15th April last, and ratified by the
contracting parties.
It is under this convention, so begun and ratified, and
carried into effect according to the tenor of it, with
promptitude and good faith on the part of the Commander
of the Forces, and to which no objection has been specified by the American Government, in any of their communications to His Excellency, since the conclusion of
it, but which, on the contrary, must have been accepted,
since it has been in part executed by that Government,
that His Excellency, the Commander of the Forces, has
been pleased thus publicly to absolve all the officers and
others who have recently returned from the United States
from a parole which His Excellency conceives to be inconsistent with the terms of that convention, and which
he considers to have been enacted by persons ignorant of
its existence, or misconceiving its conditions.
By His Excellency's Command,
Edward Baynes, Adj.-General,
British North America.
274
275
276
PRISONERS OF WAR
No. i.
Montreal, Toth April, 1814.
Colonel Baynes has communicated to His Excellency
the Commander of the Forces the purport and extent of
the alterations explained by Brigadier-General Winder
to exist, between the instructions of the 19th March, addressed to him by the Secretary of State, and those of the
22nd, of the same date received yesterday, and that the
omission of the same in the first copy was owing to an
error in transcribing it.
His Excellency, however, on reference to the letter of
the Secretary of State of the i9th March, addressed to
him, as it is stated, " with the view, and in the sincere
desire to restore to the mildest practice of civilized nations
the treatment of prisoners on both sides," and authorizing Brigadier-General Winder, on the part of the United
States Government, to conclude an arrangement which
may embrace the exchange, as well as those held as hostages, as of other prisoners ; and His Excellency learning
from that officer that his instructions fully comported
with the unqualified tenor of the proposal made in the
Secretary of State's letter to him, did not hesitate a moment in acceding to the other arrangements therein suggested, and was prepared to waive just grounds which he
conceived he had of complaint against the Government of
the United States, on the subject of the exchange of prisoners of war, in the hopes of promoting an arrangement
so desirable for the cause of humanity and the honor of
both nations ; and he is much disappointed to find his
hopes frustrated by the introduction, at this period of the
negotiation, of a claim so totally inadmissible, that had
the Secretary of State's letter borne the most distant allusion to it, His Excellency would have felt himself, as
he now does, prohibited from proceeding any further on
the subject.
The British view the confinement of twenty-three soldiers as the first act of aggression : for the undoubted
right which every free nation possesses of investigating
and punishing the crimes committed by her own naturalborn subjects, in a due course of law, is too self-evident
to require a comment, nor can it, by any distortion of
sense or justice, be construed into a just ground for an
act of fair retaliation exercised on twenty-three British
soldiers : the latter are characterized by their patriotism
FIRM STAND OF PREVOST
2 77
and loyalty, the former stigmatized for their treason and
rebellion.
It would be wasting time to enter into any further discussion on this subject. Great Britain has successfully
maintained her national rights unsullied for twenty years '
against the whole world combined : it is not to be supposed that it is reserved for the United States to stop the
course of justice, and to dictate to England what procedure she shall observe towards her own natural-born subjects, in her own courts of civil judicature, arrested in
her own territories, in the commission of acts of treason
and rebellion.
It is to be remarked, that as the exchange of prisoners
of war now proposed by the United States no longer has
the general character that was at first proposed, but is
specifically to restore quota for quota, it becomes on this
ground, incumbent on the part of the British Government,
to demand, as a preliminary step, a detailed statement of
about three thousand prisoners of war, of which the third
were of the United States' regular service, captured in
Canada during the first campaign, and given up in good
faith to the United States, who at that period had no
British prisoners,—and as all subsequent exchanges on
the part of the United States, have been acquitted by an
equivalent number of prisoners simultaneously exchanged,
it is insisted that the American Government is bound by
honor and good faith to make full and complete satisfaction for the above debt, in conformity to the 14th article
of the cartel, before she can in justice retain, or ask an
equivalent for a single British prisoner now in her postit session ; and for this purpose returns will be prepared,
not only of the number of prisoners remaining unexchanged in the possession of either power, but of those
given up in good fa•ith by the British Government to the
United States, and for which no return has yet been
made, or satisfaction offered ; and as it appears from the
documents now transmitted, that the United States are
adding to the number of prisoners placed in restraint as
Hostages, His Excellency is left no alternative, and is
under the imperious necessity of ordering into close confinement, all the American officers remaining in his possession, not heretofore considered as Hostages.
If the instructions of the Secretary of State leave to
the discretion of Brigadier-General Winder no latitude
278 PRISONERS OF WAR
on the subject of the twenty-three British soldiers eo n _
sidered by Great Britain as the sole just origin of the
system of retaliation, the further prosecution of this negotiation, for an exchange of prisoners, must be unavailin
g
as His Excellency, although prepared to waive all minor
considerations, to meet the American Government on a
fair and liberal basis, is at the same time unalterably firm
in his determination not to compromise in the slightest degree, that principle of justice and equity upon which the
measures of his Government have been framed.
On a former occasion, Colonel Baynes communicated
to Major Melville that if the prisoners of war in Canada
were not exchanged previous to the arrival of the transports
expected early in the Spring, it would become a necessary
measure to relieve the Canadas of that charge, and that
they would be sent to England ; and on the opening of
the river navigation, the prisoners now at Montreal will
be sent to Quebec for that purpose.
(Signed) Edward Baynes,
Colonel, and Adjt.-General.
No.
2.
Brigadier-General Winder has received Colonel Baynes'
note of this morning, and has read it with close and profound attention, not without considerable surprise and
the deepest regret—surprise because it seems to have been
expected that the discussions depending between Colonel
Baynes and himself were in fact to have settled and adjusted a principal question which will no doubt occupy
the Congress at Gottenburg—regret because he fears that
the beneficial consequences which would result from
making exchanges, as far as was practicable under the
powers held by General Winder, must be defeated by
persisting in the Views held out by the note of Colonel
Baynes—exchanges which would restore to liberty so
many brave and honorable men of both nations, who may
otherwise linger out a tedious protracted confinement,
finally to be terminated by an inglorious death,and which
beside, would have left untouched in the fullest extent,
the pretentions of Great Britain, on the question from
whence the system of retaliation has arisen.
It appears to Brigadier-General Winder, from the note
of Colonel Baynes, that he considered an exchange made
under the restriction in Brigadier-General Winder's power,
GENERAL WINDER'S REPLY
279
as an abandonment or compromising the principle in
question by the British Government. Surely, if this were
the case, as according to Brigadier-General Winder's
conception it certainly is not, it would have been an
abandonment of it on the part of the American Government, if this restriction had not existed in the power,and
would have been an extent of power which, it is confidently believed, His Excellency did not expect would be
conferred on the occasion—nor indeed could it be supposed that a power to treat relative to the adjustment of
this principle would have been conferred upon a person
in the situation, and under the circumstances which Brigadier-General Winder was when he received the power.
Brigadier-General Winder further supposes that His
Excellency had and can have, in the ordinary course of
things, no power to settle and adjust this question unless
by special delegation, and this, if known to the Government of the United States, would have drawn from them
a correspondent delegation of power with a view to its
adjustment.
But the Government of the United States were aware
t10` that His Excellency possessed as incidental to his military command, the power of making exchanges relative
to the prisoners made from and by his command, which
t did not compromit the principle of the British Government on this point, and therefore had in view to delegate
a corresponding power to Brigadier-General Winder, as it
is considered they have entirely done.
The Government of the United States conceived that a
relinquishment of the twenty-three original Hostages
taken by them would be compromitting the principle on
their part, and declined to give a power to this extent—
they, on the contrary, do not ask a release of the
twenty-three men sent to England, because that would
be relinquishing it on the part of the British Government.
The power to negotiate upon this question,it is presumed,
has been delegated to the commissioners about to assemble
at Gottenburg.
But General W. is at a loss to perceive, that because
he does not possess this power a negotiation is to stop,
which could originally only have contemplated, and been
expected to contemplate, the exchange, as far as could be
done without broaching that question. And the letter
of the Secretary of State to His Excellency, of the 19th
280
PRISONERS OF WAR
March, and his contemporaneous instructions to Brigadier-General Winder, while they look to the largest possible exchange, yet reserve, and express to do so whole
and entire, the right on this system of retaliation, and
he most sincerely believes his propositions of yesterday's
date entirely attain this object' to both parties.
Brigadier-General Winder, conscious it would be useless to submit any observation on the other parts of
Colonel Baynes' note, as he believes them completely
embraced in one of the propositions of his note of yesterday, entirely conformable to Colonel Baynes' wishes ;
and because, possessing no other powers or instructions
than those already communicated, he supposes it more
i mportant, at the present moment, to obviate the objections to proceed in the negotiation, which he flatters himself the foregoing remarks will have a tendency to effect,
and which unless he can effect, would be time uselessly
spent, as no result could flow from it.
Brigadier-General Winder submits these remarks in a
spirit of unreserved candor and cordiality, and without
the loss of a moment ; —and flatters himself,that,viewed
by Colonel Baynes with the same spirit, they will be
found entitled to strong and conclusive weight.
(Signed) Wm. Winder,
Brig.-Gen. U. S. Army..
No. 3.
Montreal, April 11th, 1814.
Brigadier-General Winder has received Col. Baynes'
note of this morning and has read it with all the attention which the subject of it was calculated to awaken,
and however much he regrets that he is not able to accomplish all that he hoped and wished, yet he is gratified
in believing, that much may be accomplished in strict
conformity with the principles upon which His Excellency feels himself bound to act as detailed in Col. Baynes'
note of to-day, and also entirely within the powers and
instructions which Brigadier-General Winder has received and submitted from his Government. Colonel
Baynes' note states, " that the confinement of the
twenty-three American officers, and an equal number
of non-commissioned officers, is considered as the first
stage of retaliation, on the part of the British Government, and will be persevered in so long as the twentythree soldiers, for which they are held as Hostages are
NEGOTIATIONS CONTINUED
281
kept in confinement, and cannot be effected by any ex• change that does not emancipate the twenty-three
British soldiers."
What Brigadier-General Winder proposes, therefore in
entire conformity to this principle is, that the British
officers put into confinement in retaliation for the confinement of the above forty-six American officers and noncommissioned officers shall be released and exchanged to
such an extent as an equivalent value of American officers
confined in retaliation for them, or who may be prisoners
of war, other than the above forty-six, shall be released
and exchanged.
Brigadier-General Winder, in his note of the 9th made
his proposition as extensive as he was allowed, but considered at the same time, that if, in its whole extent, it
was not acceptable to His, Excellency he would hold himself ready to embrace any modification of them, which
might be more acceptable, and within Brigadier-General
Winder's power.
This proposition appearing to Brigadier-General Winder to be so entirely within the principles contained in
Colonel Baynes' note he feels the most sanguine assurance of its acceptance, and, without incumbering it with
anything else, he hastens to submit it without delay.
(Signed) Wm. Winder,
Brig-Gen. U.S. Army.
No. 4.
Headquarters, Montreal,
Adjutant-General's Office,
April. 2th, 18 14.
Colonel Baynes has to acknowledge Brigadier-General
Winder's note of the it th inst., and is commanded to acquaint him, that the Commander of the Forces consents
to an exchange of Hostages, and all others, prisoners of
war, in conformity to the scale of the cartel, under the
previous stipulated conditions recited in his note, viz.—
That the twenty-three British soldiers first confined as
hostages, and the forty-six American officers and noncommissioned officers confined as Hostages, in retaliation
for the same, remain untouched and be not included in
the present proposed exchange.
It appearing that the American Government assert to
282 PRISONERS OP WAR
have placed seventy-seven British officers in confinement
as Hostages, and the right to retaliate in an equal number •
being assumed by the Commander of the Forces, it would
be necessary to place thirty-one American officers in similar restraint, in order to hold seventy-seven to restore in
exchange, but to avoid the performance of so unpleasant
a task, it is proposed that it be taken for granted that
this further act of retaliation has been carried into effect,
and that the number of Hostages on both sides, being
equal in number, amounting to seventy-seven are declared
released as Hostages, and placed on the footing of ordinary prisoners of war, to be exchanged as such, in conformity to the cartel.
That this measure take place immediately in Quebec,
and with the least possible delay in the United States and
Halifax.
The exchange contemplated is to include every individual held as a prisoner of war connected with the
Army of British North America, commencing from the
first act of hostilities on either side, excepting only
twenty-three British soldiers, and the forty-six American officers and non-commissioned officers to be reserved
as Hostages,it being further stipulated that the last mentioned forty-six will be placed on the footing of ordinary
prisoners of war, and exchanged as such whenever the
twenty-three British soldiers are so released or delivered
over for exchange.
The details contained in Brigadier-General Winder's
note of the 9th inst. are accepted of, as forming the outline for mutual arrangement for carrying this exchange
into effect.
(Signed) Edward Baynes,
Adjutant- General, N. A.
No. 5.
Headquarters, Montreal,
Adjutant-General's Office,
April 12th, 181 4.
Colonel Baynes has to acknowledge Brigadier-General
Winder's note of this day, and is commanded to acquaint
him that the Commander of the Forces has no objection
to the principle upon which his exchange is proposed by
the Secretary of State as a preliminary measure to his
entering upon the proposed negotiation, provided that
NEGOTIATIONS CONTINUED
283
the basis upon which that negotiation is to be conducted
is in its principle admissible, and holds out a fair and a
reasonable prospect of producing the desired end.
His Excellency considered the proposal as stated in the
Secretary of State's letter of 19th March as coming under
that description, and the accompanying letter of instructions of the same date, comporting with the same, he did
not hesitate to grant his consent to the proposed exchange
of Brigadier-General Winder, as a proper preliminary
measure—but a subsequent communication from the Secretary of the United States being received by BrigadierGeneral Winder, and represented by him to have been
introduced into the first instructions, alterations in themselves inadmissible in principle, and that the same had
been omitted by error in transcribing the first copy, and
were therefore to be considered as forming the text and
spirit of the proposition. The Commander of the Forces
considered himself absolved from his assent to a document, which had, from the act of the proposing party,
become a nullity ; and thereby cancelling whatever
might have emanated from it, and that he was at liberty
to revert to the alternative suggested in the Secretary of
State's first letter, and reject the proposal in toto.
Colonel Baynes is directed to inform Brigadier-General
Winder that it is not His Excellency's intention to sanction any partial exchange, except for the express purpose
stated in the Secretary of State's letter, with which he
thinks it highly expedient and proper to comply, but he
must require from that officer a most direct and unequivocal assurance that he is authorized to treat and ratifj ,
without further reservation on the part of his Government, a
negotiation on the principles stated in Colonel Baynes'
note of the II th and 12th, and in General Winder's note
of the II th instant—in which case his exchange will be
declared full and complete.
Brigadier-General Winder will excuse this demand,
which has become necessary from the doubts which he
has himself created, as to the nature and extent of the
restriction recently placed upon him by his Government.
,
(Signed) Edward Baynes,
Adjutant-General N.A.
284
DEPARTURE FROM FRANKFORT
PRISONERS OF WAR
No. 6.
Montreal, April 13th, 1814.
Brigadier-General Winder very much regrets that he
should have failed in communicating to Colonel Baynes
in the last interview the extent of the powers communicated to him with requisite precision.
It was the intention of Brigadier-General Winder to
have stated that his powers extended without restriction,
to propose and agree to an exchange of all British prisoners of war taken from the command of Sir George Prevost, except the twenty-three men put into confinement
in retaliation for the twenty-three men sent to England,
to which extent he now assures Colonel Baynes his powers
extend, embracing all the subjects contained in Colonel
Baynes' notes of the 11th and 12th, and Brigadier-General
Winder's of the 11th.
As it was not the intention of Brigadier-General Winder that His Excellency should have the least question
as to the extent of his powers, he cannot but feel mortified, that an idea should have been entertained for a moment that he intended to render them in the least degree
doubtful, and he trusts this avowal will remove all such
impressions, and enable Colonel Baynes and himself, upon
the adjustment of Brigadier-General Winder's exchange,
to proceed without delay to the arrangement.
(Signed) Wm. Winder,
Brigadier-General, U.S. Army.
General Order.
Adjutant-General's Office,
Headquarters, Montreal,
July i8th, 1814.
His Excellency the Commander of the Forces announces
to the troops under his command, that having at the
invitation of the American Government, deputed Colonel
Baynes, Adjutant-General, and Lieutenant-Colonel Brenton, Provincial Aide-de-Camp, to meet on Thursday last
at Champlain, Colonel Lear, late Consul General of the
United States at Algiers—for the purpose of reconsider
ing the convention for the exchange of prisoners which
had been entered into on the 15th of April last, between
Colonel Baynes and Brigadier-General Winder ; and of
removing whatever objections might be made to the due
-
285
execution of it :—and the said meeting having taken
place accordingly, all objections to the said convention
were then and there completely removed ; and the same
was, on the 16th instant, fully and definitely ratified by
Colonel Lear, on the part of the United States ; (he having full power for that purpose) with a supplementary
clause, by which the twenty-three British soldiers, and
the forty-six American officers, the Hostages mentioned
in the first ar.ticle of the said convention, are declared to
be included in that convention, and are to be released
and exchanged, in the same manner as other prisoners of
war, mentioned in the same articles, notwithstanding the
exception to them therein contained ;—and His Excellency is pleased hereby to direct that this General Order
be considered in explanation and confirmation of the said
General Orders issued on the 16th and 2nd July, 1814.
Edward Baynes, Adjt, Gen. N.A.
The morning of our actual departure from Frankfort
was, as will be believed, one of joy and exultation to us
all ; and at an early hour most of the officers were
already up, and with light hearts and cheerful countenances preparing for their journey.
Our horses were at length brought to the entrance of
the hotel, before which nearly half the town of Frankfort had collected to witness our departure. Habited in
our light and neatly-fringed Kentucky frocks, fastened
by silver buckles attached to broad red morocco belts, we
soon vaulted into the saddle ; and escorted by Lieutenant
Mitchell of the rifle service, and Colonel Crocket, the
Marshal of the state, a consequential gentleman, who had
often vainly sought to subdue our refractory spirits into
something like submission to his authority, we commenced our journey. The hand of kindness and the
voice of gentlemanly consideration were extended to us
by a few, among whom stood principally conspicuous
Major Madison and the banker Mr. Sproule ; but on the
countenances of the many might be traced very different
feelings. Even while detesting our presence, they seemed
to regret the approaching removal of their victims, and
286
PRISONERS OF WAR
the insolence of their looks and observations bore sufficient testimony of their hostility.
Pursuing a route different from that by which we had
reached Frankfort, we soon arrived at Newport,' a small
town situated at the confluence of the Kanaway and Ohio
rivers, and immediately opposite to Cincinnati, in the
neighborhood of which latter place the prisoners from
Chillicothe were awaiting the arrival of their officers.
Large boats were procured for the passage of our horses,
and having crossed the river the same evening, we were
conducted to our old quarters, the principal hotel in
Cincinnati.
On joining the men, we found, that independently of
those whom the Americans had successfully employed
every art to seduce from our service, two individuals
were missing, in whose fate we had become previously
interested. At the moment of departure from the harbour of Amherstburg, Captain Barclay had received two
young Indian warriors, anxious to witness a naval combat,
on board of the Detroit ; and on engaging the American
fleet, they were stationed in the tops with their rifles.
This position, however, they found less secure than the
trees of their native forests, and were soon assailed by
showers of grape and canister which filled them with dismay. They instantly relinquished their rifles, and hastened to decamp. Too much frightened to adopt the
safer and more usual mode of descent by the ladder of the
rigging, they each grasped a loose rope pending from the
yards, and in this manner glided with fearful rapidity to
the deck, lacerating their hands in a cruel manner, and
no doubt secretly regretting their spirit of adventure.
Nor did they stop until they reached the bottom of the
hold, where they were subsequently found by the Americans, lying within a large coil of rope, and in company
with a pet bear, belonging to one of the crew, who had
' Newport is at the confluence of the Licking river and the Ohio.
There is a Kanawha river, another branch of the Ohio, farther east.
See map.
ESCAPE OF INDIAN PRISONERS 287
conveyed him there, as a place of perfect security from
the enemy's shot. In our occasional visits to the encampment at Chillicothe, we always saw and conversed
with them, and at the last which preceded our close imprisonment,we found them busily engaged in making bows
and arrows—a work in which they were not interrupted
by their guard, who probably saw nothing more in the
occupation than amusement, or an agreeable employment
of their time, but they told us in their own tongue, a
little of which was understood by one or two of the party,
that they were meditating their escape, and that the
bows and arrows were to provide them with food in the
woods. The intelligence now received was, that they had
succeeded in effecting their design shortly after our departure, having managed to scale the picketing on a dark
night, which they had selected for the purpose. What
the final result of their enterprise was, we had no future
opportunity of ascertaining ; but with the knowledge we
possessed of the extreme facility with which the Indians
find their way through the deepest and most extensive
forests, we did not entertain a doubt of their having
rejoined their tribe in safety.
The morning of our departure from Cincinnati was the
last of Colonel Crocket's " guardianship " ; for we were
handed over to an old friend, Mr. Steele, the Marshal of
Ohio, a man as gentle, considerate, and unassuming, as
the other was harsh, exacting, and overbearing. From
this gentleman we received an account of the death of our
old persecutor, Colonel Campbell.' This officer had been
'Lieut.-Col. John B. Campbell was in command of the 11th U.S.
Infantry at the battle of Chippawa, July 5th, 1814, where he was
severely wounded in the knee, from the effects of which he died.
On May 14th, 1814, with a force of about 800 men, he landed at
Long Point, Upper Canada, without opposition, burnt the village
of Dover, Ryerson's Mills, Finch's Mills, killed the cattle and hogs
of the settlers and burnt their dwellings. For this act he was
brought before a Court of Inquiry at Buffalo composed of BrigadierGeneral Scott, Major Jessup and Major Wood. The verdict of the
Court was, that Lieut.-Col. Campbell was justified in burning the
flour mills and distilleries by the usage of war, but that he erred
288 PRISONERS OF WAR
desperately wounded on the Niagara frontier, whither he
had been ordered with his regiment, soon after our departure from Chillicothe. The cap of his knee had been
carried away by a cannon shot, and he died in extreme
agony. If we had humanity enough not to rejoice at this
intelligence, we certainly did not indulge in any very
i mmoderate grief ; for the unfeeling conduct of that individual was still fresh in the recollection of many, and,
above all, the insult of exposing us to public curiosity in
the principal streets of a town in which he held the first
military command—an insult we had every reason to
believe originated with himself.
Our route from Cincinnati lay through the same dull
region we had traversed the preceding autumn ; but with
feelings far different from those we then experienced,did
we now measure back our steps. The season too was
changed, and instead of chill damps and penetrating rains,
over the face of nature was spread the genial warmth of
summer. It was the middle of July ; and though the
ardent rays of a burning sun threw their oppressive lustre
on our heads, while traversing the more open parts of the
country, we much more frequently found shelter in thick
and extensive woods where a solitary, winding and imperfect wagon-road alone marked the progress of civilization.
Each moment of our journey brought us nearer to the
more fortunate companions of our toils, and the final termination of our anxieties ; and with this heart-cheering
perspective we reconciled ourselves to the privations
incident to our more immediate position.
in burning the private dwellings, and that the active opposition of
the inhabitants to the American interests was no justification.
Richardson is not the only writer who condemns the inhumanity
of this officer. Alexander McMullen, a private in Col. Fenton's
Regiment of Pennsylvania Volunteers, censures him for his acts
on his descent on Dover.
For documents connected with the acts of this officer in Upper
Canada, see " The Documentary History of the Campaign on the
Niagara Frontier in 1814," by Lieut.-Col. E. Cruikshank.
IN A PITIABLE PLIGHT
289
Towards the close of August we again arrived at Sandusky, and during nearly the whole of the succeeding
month, were compelled to remain encamped on the small
marshy plain extending from the base of the hill on which
that fort is situated, to the edge of the river from which
it derives its name Owing to the unjustifiable neglect
of those to whom that office was entrusted,not a boat was
in readiness for our transportation across the lake, and
we beheld this new and unlooked-for evil with dismay.
The finishing stroke was put to our calamities by the
introduction of intermittent fever into the camp,a malady
which necessarily arose from constant exposure to heavy
fogs and noxious exhalations from the stagnant waters
around us. Few of the officers escaped this cruel and
distressing scourge, and nearly one-half of the men were
attacked by it. With the view of having the former
more immediately at hand, the medical officers in the fort
caused them to be conducted to a small building contiguous to one of the gates, which had been previously used
as a stable, and admitted the air and rain on every side.
A handful of hay, covered with a blanket, composed our
couch ; and here, in a state of inexpressible misery, did
we languish beneath the effects of accumulating privation
and disease. Nourishing or refreshing aliment we were
utterly unable to obtain, and the absence of necessary
medicaments was severely felt. Either from ignorance
or indolence ,—but we were given to presume the former, —
the medical officers, while they prescribed bleeding, would
not perform that office themselves, but entrusted it to a
drummer of the garrison, who certainly, to his credit be
it said, opened our veins with admirable dexterity. This
operation being performed on the arm of each patient,
half a pint of raw whisky was given us to drink. If this
potation was administered with an idea of burning the
disease out, the effect did not answer the intention, for
our stomachs were long inflamed in consequence of this
draught, and the fever raged with unceasing violence.
290 PRISONERS OF WAR
Heartily sick of our present abode, we begged to be
removed to the tents we had lately occupied. This request
was accorded ; but here we were visited by another severe
inconvenience. The neighbourhood of Sandusky abounded
in wolves, and our ears were nightly assailed with their
dismal howlings. The noise generally commenced from
one pack at no great distance from the fort, and was
repeated by several others in succession, and from opposite directions, until the whole extent of surrounding
woods appeared to be alive with them. There was something fearfully gloomy in this association of wild sounds,
particularly when the night was far advanced, and the
encampment hushed into silence and repose, yet, but for
the danger actually apprehended, we should have been
disposed to find amusement in their discordant yellings ;
for these bold animals came frequently down from the
adjacent hills, and by the.pale light of the dying embers,
we could distinctly see and hear them craunching the
bones and fragments remaining from our meals. At our
repeated solicitation? however, fire-arms were accorded
us ; and though we made no actual use of them, they
inspired us with a feeling of greater confidence and security. Yet were we not even then entirely free from alarm,
especially as our tents were detached at some distance
from each other ; and more than one sleepless night did
we pass with our fingers on the triggers of our muskets,
and momentarily expecting to be attacked by these ravenous prowlers, against whose fury we invariably took
the precaution to secure the entrance to our tents in every
possible manner.
Our situation was now become truly pitiable, and some
of the officers were compelled to part with their scanty
wardrobe, in order to procure the common necessaries of
life, from the few miserable settlers who had taken up
their abode in the neighborhood of the fort, which
they partially supplied with milk and vegetables. The
former article was that most in requisition with the
EMBARK FOR CLEVELAND
291
invalids, and, in addition to the wild fruits which we
ate with avidity, contributed not a little to the increase
of our malady. At length when nearly worn down by
vain expectation and undermining fever, a solitary boat
was seen slowly emerging from one of the angles formed
by the windings of the narrow and unhealthy river, and
in this we were embarked for Cleveland, a small harbour
on the American short opposite to Long Point, in Canada, where we were to be finally delivered up. During
this coasting voyage we were assailed by a tempest which
upset our boat ; but as we had fortunately kept close to
the land, the accident occurred in water not beyond our
depth, and we easily succeeded in righting and dragging
the vessel to the shore. Every article of clothing was,
however, completely wet through, and no habitation
being near, we were compelled to throw ourselves for the
night on the damp beach, covered with blankets still dripping with recent wet, and suffering the extremes of cold
and heat, as the various stages of our disease were developed. It required more than ordinary constitutions
to resist these attacks, and one officer (Lieutenant
Jones, of the 41st) subsequently perished. Our provisions had been utterly destroyed by the water, and our
only dependence was on the scanty pittance obtained
from the impoverished inhabitants along the coast. A few
potatoes and a small quantity of rancid butter were all
that could be procured by the American officer escorting
us, and these we devoured with all the keenness and rapacity of famished wolves ; yet was our hunger never
wholly appeased. At length the heights of Cleveland,
where were at that time two solitary and miserable houses,
appeared in sight, and we were now landed on the beach,
where several of the officers imprudently ate large quantities of peaches which grew uninclosed and in abundance around. The accession of fever produced in consequence was great, and the night was passed in the ray-
292 PRISONERS OF WAR
ings of a delirium little short of madness. On the following morning we were re-embarked in a small vessel
lying in the harbour ; and leaving an officer behind to
await the arrival, and superintend the transportation of
the men who were advancing by land, we again set sail.
Long Point, the place of our destination, was soon gained ; but with what altered feelings did we now behold
that soil which, one short month before, would have been
hailed with rapturous exultation ! Disease had worn
away our persons, and our minds were deeply tinged with
that morbid melancholy which is a characteristic feature
in the complaint. Existence itself had nearly lost its
value with its charms, and, in our then tone of feeling,
liberty or captivity were situations of indifference. It
had rained without intermission during the passage, and
on the vessel being brought to anchor, we were summoned
from the small filthy cabin, into which we had been
thrown, to the boats waiting for our reception. In a
few minutes we were landed,exhibiting to those by whom
we
were received on the beach the most distressing images
,
of poverty, disease, exhaustion, and discontent. We
arrived in Canada on the 4th of October, 1814, making
just one year from the date of our captivity.
On my arrival in Canada I lost no time, dispirited and
emaciated as I was from the effects of an ague which
continued upon me for five consecutive months, without
a single day of intermission, in parting from those with
whom I had shared so many toils and vicissitudes, and
hastening to join the King's Regiment (then stationed
at Montreal and Laprairie), to which I had been gazetted
some months previous to my capture at the Moraviantown. Nor is it uninteresting to add that my passage
from Toronto to Kingston, was made in the St.Lawrence,
Sir James Yeo's flag-ship, during the very last trip performed by that magnificent vessel, the vast dimensions
of which will be understood, when it is known that she
JOINS THE 8TH REGIMENT
293
mounted not less than 112 guns, of various heavy calibre,
and was manned by a crew, including all branches of the
service, of one thousand souls. There were, also, if I do
not greatly err, a seventy-four and two fifty gun ships,
with numerous smaller craft, following in the wake of
this Leviathan ; but war had now been so long carried
on in the country as a matter of course, and on so extensive a scale of preparation, that these latter were scarcely
regarded as anything extraordinary, even on the small
and inland fresh water sea of Lake Ontario.
At length spring with her cheerful and invigorating
attributes once more appeared, bringing with it a cessation of hostilities between Great Britain and the United
States ; and intelligence having soon afterwards reached
this country of Bonaparte's escape from Elba, and the
consequent renewal of the war in Europe, we were hurriedly ordered for embarkation, to join the British Army
in Flanders. The Headquarters of my regiment left
Montreal for Quebec in the first steamer' (the John Molson), that ever navigated these waters, and we were
speedily embarked in a transport waiting to receive us,
and forming one of sixty sail, under the convoy of Sir
George Collier in the Newcastle. Our route was to Ostend,
but we were too late—as the battle of Waterloo, to have
participated in which was worth the sacrifice of all our
previous service, was fought before we were half way across
the Atlantic.
Since that period, I had never revisited Canada, until
the astounding and unexpected events of 1837 and 1838
again brought me to my native land, to aid if necessary
in vindication of her wounded honor.
'The first Steamer on the St. Lawrence was called the Accommodation, not the John Molson. The name of the owner however,
was Honorable John Molson.
THE END.
-
XII
PRISONERS OP WAR
Although, with the capture of the Right Division,
ceases all military operations of any consequence in the
West, as its imprisonment and detention as hostages form
no inconsiderable feature in the historical occurrences of
that period, I have, under the impression that the narrative would be imperfect without it, decided one detailing
the several vicissitudes to which, principally in their
character of hostages, the captured troops were subjected.
From this it will be seen, that the feeling of dislike and
jealousy entertained by the Americans for everything
English, was precisely in 1812 what it is at the present
day. (1842).
On reaching Detroit, after having traversed for the
last time, as prisoners, that soil which, almost unaided, a
single Regiment had for fifteen months defended against
the efforts of successive powerful armies sent to wrest it
from their grasp, we found that Fort Meigs was the
route through which the Division was to be marched
into the State of Ohio. The majority of the officers,
having pledged their parole to General Harrison, were
suffered to take the advance, mounted on pack horses
provided by the American Government. A few only,
desirous of taking the Sandusky route across the lake,
were embarked in the Ariel gun-boat, and conveyed to
Put-in-Bay island, where the shattered fleets were then
lying. Here indeed was to be seen evidence of a most
sanguinary conflict, especially in Captain Barclay's ship.
Every mast of this___1^....tter had been carried away—more
than half her long guns had been dismounted—and the
bulwarks were in fragments, while it was impossible to
place a hand upon that broadside which had been exposed
243
244
, PRISONERS OF WAR
to the enemy's fire, without covering some portion of a
wound, either from grape, round, canister, or chain-shot.
The decks of all were moreover filled with wounded, and
on being introduced into Captain Barclay's cabin, we
found that gallant officer in bed, presenting a most helpless picture of mutilation. Pain and disappointment were
upon his brow, and the ruddy hue of health, for which
he had ever been remarkable, had deserted him. In short,
of his former self there then seemed to be little left
besides his untainted honor. The scene altogether was
one of a most melancholy and impressive character.
On the second morning of our arrival at this island,
after having taken on board such of the naval officers as
were tibt prevented by the severity of their wounds from
performing the journey, we continued our course for
Sandusky Bay. We had nearly made the spot intended
for our disembarkation, when one of those dangerous and
sudden hurricanes, peculiar to the lakes of Canada during the autumnal months, drove us back under bare
poles, and along the sheet of foam with which the broad
expanse of water was literally covered, to the port we
had just quitted. At length we finally separated from
our companions in misfortune, and after a few hours'
sail were enabled to cast anchor in the bay, where, being
immediately landed, we were conducted to the fort of
Sandusky.
During our stay at this place we had full leisure for
examining not only the defences of the fortress, but the
various positions occupied by our troops during the
assault ; and the result of our observation was, that an
attack on a stockade work of this description, without
the aid of ladders must inevitably entail discomfiture.
The nature of the fortification, and the manner in which
the enemy were protected from our fire, may be judged
of from the fact of their having had only one man killed
in the affair.
That which most excited my own immediate attention
,
AT FORT STEPHENSON
2 45
was the ground occupied by the left column of attack,
consisting chiefly of the light company of the 4ist, to
which I was then attached, and which having forced
their way to the very batteries of the fort had consequently sustained the greatest loss. My escape from the
ravine, where we had continued so many hours, was truly
providential. When the order for retiring was in order
to deceive the enemy, given in the Indian language, it
was immediately explained by one or two interpreters
present with the grenadier column on the right, and
conveyed by them in a low voice to the remaining divisions. Covered by the brow of the opposite eminence,
they followed the course of the ravine in safety, until
they emerged from the defile, at a distance sufficient to
admit of their forming unperceived by the enemy. Nearly all the men of the light column, having received the
order, had retired with the main body ; but those on the
extreme left, having been separated from the line by the
brushwood and other obstacles they had encountered in
the ascent, remained in utter ignorance of what was passing on the right ; and such was the caution observed in
retiring, that neither the enemy in the fort nor ourselves
could distinguish the slightest sound to justify the supposition. It was now half-past nine o'clock. We had
continued since half-past five lying extended on the wet
ground, where the mud was ankle-deep, and most of the
men were chilled with cold. At this moment we heard,
though indistinctly, various orders given in the direction
of our encampment, and then only did we surmise the
fact of the troops having been withdrawn. In this belief
we were speedily confirmed, by hearing a command issued
in a suppressed tone of voice in the fort, to open the
sallyports. Perceiving that no time was to be lost, I
proposed in a whisper, which the rising ground prevented
being overheard by the enemy, that we should brave
every risk, and attempt our immediate retreat. The men,
however, refused to move, until the moon, which was
246
PRISONERS OF WAR
then in the first quarter, and reflecting its beams every_
where but in the bed of the ravine, was set, or should be
obscured by some passing cloud. Leaving them to their
fate, I therefore prepared to effect my escape alone, and
i mmediately in front of the fortress ; but notwithstanding all my caution, I had not advanced many paces, wh en
I stumbled over the dead body of a soldier, who, after
43,aving received a mortal wound, had evidently crawled
on his hands and knees to rest his bleeding form against
a clump of bushes, and had died in that singular position. The noise occasioned by my fall put the enemy
once more on the alert ; and as the moonbeams reflected
on my arms and regimentals, I had no sooner ascended
the opposite side of the ravine, than the whole front of
the fort was lighted up with their fire. Not an individual,
save myself, was exposed to their aim, and the distance
did not exceed fifty paces; yet, although the balls
whistled round my ears in every direction, and hissed
through the long grass with which the plain was covered,
I did not sustain the slightest injury, even though a
second volley was fired after the interval of half a minute. On reaching the spot where the columns had been .
originally formed for the assault, I found that my retreat
had been well-timed, for the troops were already in
motion towards the boats, the guns having been previously embarked. In that which contained my provisionbasket, I discovered a few bottles of port wine, which
had arrived that very morning from Amherstburg. This
was indeed a luxury that I would not at the moment
have exchanged for a throne ; and so thoroughly exhausted was I with hunger, thirst and fatigue, that placing a bottle to my parched lips, I did not abandon it until
the whole of its contents had been emptied at a draught.
The effect was instantaneous, and I lay in the bottom of
the boat all night enjoying the most delicious moments of
repose I recollect ever having experienced. When I awoke
MARCH TO CHILLICOTHE
247
at a late hour on the following morning, a mild September' sun was glancing its golden rays along the tranquil
bosom of Lake Erie, in the centre of which our boats
were all assembled, and gliding along its surface with a
speed proportioned to the vigorous efforts of the rowers—
the men alternately singing and indulging in rude jests,
reckless of the comrades whose dying groans had assailed
their ears a few hours before, and evidently without care
or thought for the future. Every individual of those who
had refused to accompany me on that occasion was taken
prisoner by the American party despatched through the
sallyport.
Some difficulty was experienced at Sandusky in procuring the means of conveyance ; at length, however, on
the morning of the third day, mounted on miserable pack
horses, scarcely able to sustain their own weight, and tottering at every step beneath their additional burden, we
commenced our route for Chillicothe, the place selected
for our detention. A single officer of infantry composed
our escort, and he had been appointed to the service
chiefly with a view to protect us from insult, and to procure lodgings and other accommodations on the road. To
describe the fatigue and privation which we endured
during this tedious journey would require more time and
space than it can be necessary to bestow upon this part
of the narrative. The rainy season had already set in,
and scarcely a single day passed by without our being
literally wet to the skin. Our route lay through an inhospitable tract of country, consisting alternately of
gloomy forest and extensive savannah, the latter often
intersected by streams fed from the distant mountains,
and swollen by the unceasing rains. Sometimes a solitary hut, vying in filthiness with the beings by whom it
was tenanted, afforded us shelter for the night, but more
frequently we found that repose which absolute fatigue
IThis_happened on the 3rd of August.
248
PRISONERS OF WAR
ARRIVAL AT CHILLICOTHE
and exhaustion ensure to the traveller, near the fires we
were compelled to kindle in the forest. At length our
jaded animals, slipping at every step, and threatening to
sink beneath their efforts, brought us to Fort Wayne.
Here we were provided with other horses, but of the
same miserable description : their backs cruelly galled by
the ill-stuffed saddles, and their ribs almost protruding,
from beneath their hair-divested hides. The appearance of
these unfortunate animals was pitiable in the extreme ;
and few of us, on leaving Fort Wayne, entertained the
slightest doubt of their sinking successively beneath us,
before our destination could be gained. The rain still
continued to fall, and during the latter part of October
and the commencement of November we never once beheld
the sun. Many of the officers were without great-coats,
having been plundered of everything, as well by the followers of the division as by the enemy themselves ; and,
although we each possessed a change of, linen, during
f having
the whole journey
we had no opportunity,Qanything washed,
so that in a short time we ere infested by
as
vermin, which gave the finishing stroke to our calamities.
Still we proceeded on our journey, and through a country
of the same character with that we had previously traversed. On one occasion we found ourselves stopped by
a stream of considerable depth, the bridge over which had
been broken down by the torrent. No other alternative
remained than to swim our horses across, or run the risk
of their breaking their legs in the interstices of the bridge,
which had partly sunk beneath the surface of the water.
The former course was, after due deliberation, adopted ;
and lots having been drawn, the first attempt devolved
on Lieutenant Stokoe of the Royal Navy. Spurring his
horse into the current, this officer with much difficulty
reached the opposite bank ; but, unable to effect a landing,
was thrown from his seat in consequence of the violent
struggles made by the animal, and, with one foot fastened in the stirrup, lay for some moments in imminent
danger of perishing. At length, after much exertion, he
succeeded in disengaging himself, when clambering up
the steep, he soon drew his horse after him. This experiment being considered too dangerous for 'repetition,
we decided on effecting our passage across the bridge ;
and owing to the caution we observed, no accident occurred to the horses—a circumstance peculiarly fortunate,
since we could have found no means of supplying our
loss. After several weeks of tedious travelling through
this dreary region some few traces of civilization and cultivation were perceptible, and we finally beheld the banks
of the Scioto. On the opposite shore of this small river
stands the town of Chillicothe; and after having for the
last time committed our steeds and persons to the water,
in default of a bridge, we found ourselves at the termination of our journey, overcome with lassitude, and in a
state which might have caused us to pass for anything
rather than British officers. The party which had taken
the route of Fort Meigs was already arrived, and with it
the troops of the division.
At Chillicothe I was singularly fortunate in meeting
with a gentleman who exercised the rites of hospitality
in my favor to the fullest extent. An apartment in his
house was appropriated to my service, a cover daily laid
at his table, and his horses declared at my command. In
short, no individual in the character of a prisoner of war
had ever less reason to inveigh against his destiny. This
ray of sunshine was, however, of short duration. Soon
after the arrival of the Sandusky party at Chillicothe, the
officers captured at the Moravian village were, in consequence of an order from the American government, despatched to Frankfort, the capital of Kentucky—those of
the naval service alone being suffered to remain, and,
through the influence used by my kind host, my name
was included in the list of the latter. At the moment
when we began to reconcile ourselves to our situation,
and to appreciate the attention paid us by the more re-
249
250
PRISONERS OF WAR
spectable inhabitants, an order suddenly arrived for our
close imprisonment. This unexpected measure owed its
origin to the following circumstance. Among the prisoners taken at the affair in which the lamented General
Brock lost his life, twenty-three men, recognized as deserters from the various regiments in Canada, had been
sent to England, and subsfkuently tried and convicted.
The execution of the sentence, had, however, been del
ferred. The American government was no sooner apprized of their impending fate, than, acting on that system of naturalization which, in defiance of every principle
of equity, would preclude the hitherto undisputed right
of nations to punish their criminal subjects, they caused
an equal number of British soldiers to be kept closely confined, to answer as hostages for the safety of the convicted deserters. This unjustifiable proceeding was followed by the seclusion of twenty-three commissioned,
and an equal number of non-commissioned American officers, and retaliated by them in a similar manner ; so that
finally nearly all the officers of both parties were deprived
of their liberty, and liable at any moment to answer with
their lives for the apostasy of three and twenty individuals America should have blushed to claim as subjects
of her republic.
.
With a view to the thorough comprehension of the
subject by the reader, and to exhibit in its true light the
extraordinary course pursued by the United States, it
will be important here to annex, not only the remonstrance of the British Government, as conveyed through
two distinct general orders issued by Sir George Prevost,
under the direction of His Royal Highness the Prince
Regent, but the particular instructions, for the close confinement of the officers of the Right Division in the Penitentiary of Frankfort, transmitted by the American Secretary of State to the Governor of Kentucky.
PREVOST'S GENERAL ORDER
251
Headquarters, Montreal, Oct. 27, 1813.
His Excellency the Governor-General and Commander
of the Forces, having transmitted to His Majesty's Government a letter from Major-Gen. Dearborn, stating that
the American Commissary of Prisoners in London had
made it known to his Government, that twenty-three
soldiers of the 1st, 6th and 13th Regiments of United
States Infantry, made prisoners, had been sent to England and held in close confinement as British subjects,
and that Major-Gen. Dearborn had received instructions
from his Government, to put into close confinement
twenty-three British soldiers, to be kept as hostages for
the safe keeping and restoration in exchange of the soldiers of the United States, who had been sent as above
stated to England ;—in obedience to which instructions,
he had put twenty-three British soldiers into close confinement to be kept as hostages ; and the persons referred
to in Major-Gen. Dearborn's letter being soldiers serving
in the American army, taken prisoners at Queenstown,
who had declared themselves to be British-born subjects,
and were held in custody in England there to undergo a
legal trial.
His Excellency, the Commander of the Forces, has received the commands of His Royal Highness the Prince
Regent, through the Right Honorable the Earl Bathurst,
Secretary of State, to lose no time in communicating to
Major-Gen. Dearborn, that he has transmitted a copy of
his letter, and that he is in consequence instructed, distinctly to state to Major-Gen. Dearborn, that His Excellency has received the commands of His Royal Highness
the Prince Regent, forthwith to put in close confinement,
forty-six American officers and non-commissioned officers,
to be held as hostages for the safe keeping of the twentythree British soldiers stated to have been put in close
confinement by order of the American Government.
And he is at the same time to apprise him that if any
of the said British soldiers shall suffer death, by reason
that the soldiers now under confinement in England have
been found guilty, and that the known law, not only of
Great Britain, but of every independent state under similar circumstances has been in consequence executed, he
has been instructed to select out of the American officers
and non-commissioned officers put into confinement as
many as may double the number of British soldiers who
252 PRISONERS OF WAR
shall have been so unwarrantably put to death, and cause
such officers and non-commissioned officers to suffer death
immediately.
And His Excellency is further instructed to notify to
Major-Gen. Dearborn that the commanders of His Majesty's armies and fleets on the coast of America have received instructions to prosecute the war with unmitigated
severity against all Cities, Towns and Villages belonging
to the United States, and against the inhabitants thereof,
if after this communication shall have been duly made to
Major-Gen. Dearborn, and a reasonable time given for its
being transmitted to the American Government, that Government shall unhappily not be deterred from putting to
death any of the soldiers who now are, or who may hereafter be, kept as hostages for the purposes stated in the
letter from • ajor-Gen. Dearborn.
His Excellency the Commander of the Forces, in announcing to the Troops the commands of His Royal Highness the Prince Regent, is confident that they will feel
sensible, of the paternal solicitude which his Royal Highness has evinced for the protection of the person and
honor of the British soldier thus grossly outraged in contempt of justice, humanity, and the Law of Nations, in
the persons of twenty-three soldiers placed in close confinement, as hostages for an equal number of traitors who
had been guilty of the base and unnatural crime of raising
their parricidal arms against that country which gave them
birth, and who have been delivered over for legal trial to
the just laws of their offended country.
The British soldier will feel this unprincipled outrage,
added to the galling insults and cruel barbarities that are
daily wantonly inflicted on many of his unfortunate comrades, who have fallen into the enemy's hands, as additional motives to excite his determined resolution never to
resign his liberty but with his life, to a foe so regardless
of all sense of honor, justice and the rights of war.
(Signed) Edward Baynes, Adj' t-Gen.
Extract from a letter from the Secretary of State to the
Governor of Kentucky.
Nov. 27, 1813.
Sir,—The British Government seems to have given to
this war every degree of savage barbarity and cruelty
which it may be able to inflict. In the close of the late
PRESIDENT MADISON'S ORDER
253
campaign, the British commanders at Quebec seized and
sent to England, twenty-three of our soldiers who had
been prisoners, to be tried for treason, on the pretence
that they were British subjects. For so unjust and outrageous an act, the President was bound to confine a like
number of British prisoners in the United States, which
he did in the expectation that the British Government,
seeing the inevitable consequence of the first measure,
would relax from it, or at least leave the affair in the state
in which it had thus been placed for accommodation by
treaty. More recently, however, a measure of still greater
injustice has been adopted. The Prince Regent has
ordered into close confinement forty-six officers of the
United States upon the principle, as he says, of retaliation, expecting, by the violence of the proceeding, to intimidate this government into a submission to the extravagant and unfounded claims of the British Government.
The President has met this measure with equal decision,
by ordering into like confinement forty-six British officers,
as a pledge for the safety of those on whom the British
Government seems disposed to wreak its vengeance.
These officers are ordered to be conveyed to Frankfort,
in Kentucky, to be confined there in the penitentiary of
that State, which is represented to be a building affording
the two-fold advantage of good and safe accommodations.
This step is taken in the full confidence that every
facility will be afforded to its complete execution, by
Your Excellency, that may be expected from a character
so strongly attached to the union, and decided in the support of all the necessary measures to secure success to the
just war in which we are engaged.
General Order, Adjutant General's Office,
Headquarters, Montreal, 1 2 th December, 1813.
His Excellency the Governor-in-Chief and Commander
of the Forces has to announce to the troops under his
command, that he has received a communication from
Major-General Wilkinson, commanding a division of the
army of the United States of America, by order of his
government, of which the following is an extract :
" The Government of the United States adhering unalterably to the principle and purpose declared in the
communication of Gen. Dearborn to you, on the subject of
the twenty-three American soldiers, prisoners of war, sent
to England to be tried as criminals ; and the confinement
254
PRISONERS OF WAR,
of a like number of British soldiers, prisoners of war,
selected to abide the fate of the former ; has in consequence of the step taken by the British Government, as
now communicated, ordered forty-six British officers into
close confinement, and that they will not be discharged
from their confinement until it shall be known that the
forty-six American officers and non-commissioned officers
in question are no longer confined "
It would be superfluous to use any argument to refute
an assumption so extravagant, unjust, and unprecedented
as to deny the right of a free nation to bring to legal
trial, in a due course of law, her own natural-born subjects taken in the actual commission of the most heinous
offence that man can commit against his king, his country, and his God; that of raising his parricidal arm
against his allegiance to his countrymen, by leaguing
with their enemies ; a crime held in such abhorrence by
every civilized nation in Europe, that summary death by
the law martial is its avowed reward, and is inflicted with
unrelenting severity by France, the ally of the United
States. This pretention must appear to every unprejudiced and upright mind as iniquitous and unjust, as is
the retaliation which the Government of the United States
has adopted, by placing in close confinement three and
twenty British soldiers, as hostages for an equal number
of infamous wretches, the unworthy offspring of Great
Britain, who, when drawn from the ranks of the enemy,
solicited to be suffered to expiate their treason by turning
their arms against their employers. These Rebels have
(with the contempt they merit) been consigned to the
infamy and punishment that await them from the just
laws of their offended country, while the Government of
the United States does not blush to claim these outcast
traitors as their own, and outrage the custom of civilized
war, in the persons of honorable men, by placing them on
a par with Rebels and Deserters.
No alternative remains to the Commander of the Forces,
in the discharge of his duty to his king, his country, and
his fellow-soldiers, but to order all the American officers,
prisoners of war, without exception of rank, to be immediately placed in close confinement as hostages for the fortysix British officers so confined, by the express command
of the supreme authority in that country, until the number of forty-six be completed, over and above those now
in confinement.
TREATMENT OF THE BRITISH PRISONERS
255
His Excellency directs that this General Order together
with that issued on the 27th of October, be read to the
troops, that the British soldier may be sensible of the
terms on which America has determined to wage this
war ; confident that he will meet them with proper spirit
and indignation ; for should he become the prisoner of a
foe so regardless of those laws, which for ages have governed civilized nations in war, he would be doomed to a
rigorous confinement, and that only preparatory to a more
savage scene.
(Signed) Edward Baynes, Adj.-Gen.
North America.
But more than either of the foregoing documents, does
the following statement, copied from the Salem Gazette,
prove the nature and consequences of this cruel system
of retaliatimi, as carried on between the two countries.
" TREATMENT OF BRITISH PRISONERS OF WAR IN
THE UNITED STATES.-It is time that the public should
be correctly informed on the subject of the unfortunate
prisoners at Ipswich. Seventeen of our fellow-beings
have been immured in dungeons in our own neighborhood, three months, and the public attention has not
been called to their sufferings. The following we believe
to be a correct statement of this affair.
" On the seventh day of October, 1813, James Prince,
Esq., Marshal of this District, issued his mandate
directed.
" ' To the keeper of the gaol of the United States at
Ipswich, within the District aforesaid—Greeting '—requiring him ' to receive into his custody, and safely keep
in dungeons in the gaol aforesaid, the bodies of Thomas
Cooper, John Clark, Adam Kirby, Samuel Thorp, Thomas
Hewes, John Bendow, James Onion, Richard How,
Daniel Dowland, and James Humphries,' in retaliation for
cruelties ' said to be " exercised ' on certain persons
at Halifax, ' and also as hostages to respond for any acts
of violence which may be inflicted on them.'
" By similar orders dated Oct. 11th, 12th, 13th, and
Nov. 2nd, he also directs the under keeper to confine in
dungeons the bodies of Wm. Nickerson, Elkanah Clements, R. Kirkland Black, Wm. Owen, Benj. Johnson, and
James Ross in retaliation for ' cruelties' said to be committed on other American prisoners of war in Halifax.
t
PRISONERS OF WAR
MISERY OF THE PRISONERS
" By another order dated Oct. 12th, the Marshal directs
the gaoler to receive and detain in his custody the body
of Peter H. Diedale, a maritime prisoner of war, without
alleging any other cause, and he has been confined in a
dungeon with the rest.
" These men have ever since been kept in dungeons as
dreary as Mr. Madison could desire. The gaol is a
gloomy stone building. The dungeons are seven feet by
ten on the ground floor, of rough stone at top, bottom,
and on all sides. There are loop holes or narrow openings of two or three inches wide through the upper part
of the stone walls, to admit the little light and air which
these unfortunate victims are allowed to enjoy. In damp
weather, the water runs down the walls and drops from
the stone ceiling over the floors. These dungeons were
never intended for any other purpose, than to punish the
worst of convicts by a few days' solitary imprisonment,
and it is believed have never been used even for that purpose. Yet in these places have innocent men been languishing for three months, sixteen of them, four in a
dungeon, and the other (Captain Ross) in a dungeon by
himself. A few days since ten of them were removed to
the cells in the second story, appropriated to criminals.
These cells are larger than the dungeons, but extremely
cold and uncomfortable. So far have these unfortunate
prisoners been released' (as had been asserted in
another American paper), and no farther. Seven, viz.
Capt. Clements, Lieuts. Owen, Black, and Nickerson,
and two seamen, it is understood, are still confined in
two dungeons, and on some of the late cold nights several
were past recovery, notwithstanding they had received a
supply of warm clothing from some charitable individuals;
and medical aid was necessarily called in to restore the
perishing ; and it is only by this charitable relief and the
attention of the gaoler's family, unwarranted by the
orders of Government, that these poor prisoners are not
dead ! They must have perished, if left to the care of
Government ! Such is the situation of these prisoners,
and this is the retaliation' that is called ' Christian '! "
disproportion of prisoners was greatly in our favor, as
well in regard to rank as numbers ; but we had too much
reason to apprehend, from the unqualified hatred manifested towards us by the populace in the States of Ohio
and Kentucky, that the will of their rulers would have
had little effect in restraining the ebullition of their rage,
had the original sentence been carried into execution.
Let it not be imagined that this idea arose simply from
surmise, or had its being in the vague apprehension of
men who, more immediately interested in the result,
might be deemed ready to admit the agency of fancy in
their impressions of impending evil. Several gentlemen,
estimable for their rank and character in these States,
warned us during their occasional visits of the fact, and
with every opportunity of ascertaining the public feeling,
communicated circumstances which left us no reason to
infer that their fears for the result should be disregarded.
Our sensations in consequence were not, it will be
i magined, of the most pleasing or enviable description.
The common gaol of the town had been fixed on for our
abode, and we were distributed into two small rooms in
an upper story, communicating with each other, and containing each ten persons. During the day they were left
open, but carefully locked and bolted at night, and sentinels were posted in the corridor into which they opened.
The height was upwards of sixty feet from the ground ;
and through the strong bars with which the windows
were furnished, we beheld others pacing to and fro, and
exercising their vigilance so far as to direct their attention repeatedly to our rooms. Thus guarded, and unprovided with instruments of any description whatever, we
had no hope of effecting an escape ; while, to crown our
misery, fortune had thrown us into the hands of a gaoler
of the most ruffianlike character. On one occasion, in
consequence of some trifling misunderstanding with an
Interpreter who had been confined in the adjoining room
—a mai remarkable for the mildness and forbearance of
his nature,—the wretch inflicted so severe a wound on
256
That the threat of retaliation would have been carried
into effect by the American government, it is scarcely
possible,to believe, since, exclusively of the blot such a
proceeding must have imprinted• on their character, the
257
258 PRISONERS OF WAR
PLAN FOR ESCAPE FORMED
his head with a ponderous key, as to cause the blood to
gush forth with extreme violence. When visited by th e
officer of the guard, a complaint was preferred by the injured man ; but the liberal republican, with true patriotic feeling, justified the act of his countryman, and concluded by threatening a repetition of the punishment.
We had now been some time in this disagreeable situation, when a project was formed which promised to throw
a more favorable coloring over our destiny. The whole
of the captive division, including the seamen, were confined in a fortified camp, erected for the purpose on the
skirt of a wood adjoining one of the suburbs of the town,
and were guarded by a considerable detachment of regular infantry. These noble fellows were no sooner apprized
of the ignominious fate with which their officers were
threatened, than with the generous devotedness characteristic of their respective professions, they deputed two
sergeants who had been suffered to communicate with us
on subjects relative to the clothing of the men, to express
their determination to effect our liberation, or perish in
the attempt. Accordingly, the following plan was
adopted, and fixed on for execution at a certain day. At
midnight, the men were to rise and overpower the guard,
and having secured them, and possessed themselves of
their arms, to separate into three distinct parties. The
first of these, headed by one of the deputies, were to
advance on the prison, and having effected our liberation,
to hasten to the boats on the river, which the second
division was to have secured ; while the third, patrolling
the streets in silence, were to prevent the inhabitants
from assembling and impeding the operations of the first.
The plan, hastily adopted, from the circumstances in
which we found ourselves placed, was at best a wild one,
since, had it succeeded in all its primary stages, we must
have been eventually destroyed in descending the narrow
river of the Scioto, by the fire from the numerous riflemen the enemy would have collected, on the first intima
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259
tion of our departure. We were then, however, sanguine
of success, and none paused to consider the difficulties
that awaited us after our liberation, in the heart of an
enemy's country, where ammunition and provisions were
alike beyond our reach. We spoke of our descent of the
Mississippi from the Scioto, and the Ohio, and our final
reception on board the English fleet we knew to be cruising off New Orleans, as a matter of course, and discussed
our meditated movements with all the confidence of the
soldier, but certainly with little of the prudence or foresight of the general. Such was the plan decided on for
our escape ; but, while awaiting the completion of the
necessary preparations, a circumstance, ludicrous in itself,
yet alarming in our actual position, threatened to blight
every hope by which we had lately been sustained. One
morning about daybreak, the noise of workmen was distinctly heard beneath the windows of the room in which,
covered with a solitary blanket, and huddled together
without order or ceremony, we contrived to enjoy a few
moments of repose. One of the party immediately jumped
up, and running to the window,beheld a number of men engaged in the erection of a scaffold. The exclamation wrung
from him by the sight, drew us all to the spot, and then,
indeed, we might be said to have experienced the sensations of men who behold for the first time, and without a
hope of reprieve, the gloomy preparations for an ignominious end. The predominent sentiment with us was,
however, less regret for the existence we considered ourselves about to forfeit, than rage at the idea of having
surrendered ourselves prisoners of war to an enemy capable of violating every principle of justice, for the sake
of shielding a few perjured and despicable criminals from
the laws of their offended country. In this state of cruel
suspense, we continued until nine o'clock, the hour at
which the bolts of our prison were withdrawn for the day,
when the explanation given by the gaoler dissipated our
alarm. The scaffolding was being erected for the purpose of
260
PLOT REVEALED: IN FETTERS
PRISONERS OF WAR
sinking a pump for the use of the prison ; and the indistinct view we had obtained of the construction through
our bars had given rise to the error.
At length the much-wished-for day fixed on for the
execution of our enterprise arrived, and we arose, as we
fully hoped, from our couch of misery, for the last time.
To persons in our situation, it may easily be imagined,
the hours appeared to move on leaden wings, yet we
doubted not an instant of a favorable result. Fate had,
however, ordained otherwise. At four in the afternoon,
while yet partaking of our wretched meal, the trampling
of horses' feet, and a confused sound of drums and voices,
drew us suddenly to the window, and in a few minutes
we beheld Governor Shelby literally armed to the teeth,
a rifle on his shoulder, and accompanied by a numerous
staff, riding up at full speed. We were for some time lost
in astonishment and unable to account for this singular
appearance ; but a clue to the mystery was soon afforded
by the entrance of an American officer, who, leaving his guard in the corridor, advanced into the outer room, accompanied by a formidable cyclop, bearing certain insignia of his trade, with which we could very willingly
have dispensed.
For the better insurance of success in our enterprise, it
had been found necessary to admit two individuals in the
town into our confidence—certain essential and preliminary arrangements remaining to be effected. These gentlemen were of the federal party, and entered into our
views with a willingness which gave very fair promise of
a favorable issue. We had been rather intimately known
to them prior to our confinement, and with their sentiments, both political and private,we were well acquainted.
The measures necessary to forward our undertaking
were faithfully executed by them, and on the morning of
the night which was to give us to liberty, as we fondly
i magined, nothing of a preparatory nature remained to
be done. Seized, however, by a sudden panic, and anti
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261
cipating the consequences of a discovery of co-operation
with the enemies of their country, they resolved to elude
the danger they feared, by a voluntary and unreserved
disclosure of our intentions to the Governor of the State,
who resided in Chillicothe. This was accordingly done,
and the active and precautionary measures consequent on
this alarming intelligence, had given rise to the bustle
and tumult which assailed our ears from without, and
carried disappointment and despair to our hearts.
This latter information was conveyed to us by our new
visitor, Lieutenant Harrison, of the 19th Infantry (a
gentleman whose name I feel peculiar pleasure in recording), who now proceeded to communicate the disagreeable duty with which he was charged, and which the
equipment of his forbidding attendant, armed with a
hammer, anvil, and about twenty pairs of hand-cuffs,
sufficiently explained. With a tearful eye and in a faltering tone, did this gentleman entreat us to lose sight of
the man in the subordinate, and to believe how much it
pained him to be the instrument selected for the purpose.
Such an indignity, he said, he deplored being compelled
to offer to British officers ; but he trusted that with men
to whom the rigor of military duty was familiar, the public act would be forgotten in the expression of private
feeling. The delicacy of such conduct was felt by all,
and we hastened to assure him of our grateful sentiments
in return. He then desired the man to proceed to the
execution of his office ; and in less than an hour the
hands of the whole party, myself alone excepted, were
fettered with irons, which the rough and malignant-looking son of Vulcan seemed to feel no little satisfaction in
applying. On inquiry, I learned that I had been excepted
at the express desire of Colonel Campbell, commanding
the troops at Chillicothe,from whom the order had emanated. For this favor I felt that I was indebted to my
kind friend Mr. Brush, but as I had little inclination to
be exempted from a participation in the fate of my com-
262
263
PRISONERS OF WAR
SUFFERINGS WHILE IN IRONS
panions, I expressed myself to that effect to Lieutenant
Harrison, requesting at the same time that he would
i mpart tts the Commandant, who was the colonel of
his own regiment, the utter disinclination I entertained
to owe him any thing in the shape of obligation, while
my brother officers were manacled as felons.
On the departure of the officers we had full leisure to
reflect on the hopelessness of our situation, and we inveighed not a little against the defection of our American
friends, though, in fact, our own folly alone was to be
taxed in having made the subjects of a country so interested in our detention accessory to the design. These
reflections, however, finally yielded to a feeling of mirth
excited by the ludicrous appearance we exhibited, stalking about the room like spectres, and deprived of the
usage of our arms ; and we began to enjoy the panic
partly visible to our eyes, and principally ascertained
from our gaoler, from whose account it appeared large
bodies of the inhabitants were already assembling to the
sounds of the alarm drums and bugles. The guards and
sentinels of our prison had been doubled at the first
rumor, and the militia of the adjacent country were
flocking in to strengthen the troops intrusted with the
security of the men. It was not until a late hour in the
night, that these warlike preparations appeared to be
completed, the rolling of the drums frequently breaking
on our ears, as we lay extended on our blankets, to
which, after a close examination of our apartments by
the gaoler, followed by an unusually careful application
of bolts and keys, we had long since consigned our
aching limbs.
In the state of utter helplessness to which my companions were reduced, we found the advantage of the exception made in my favor, since I was thus enabled to per
form many little offices which the brutality and remissness of the gaoler left us no hope would be attended to
by him Three days had now elapsed since the visit of
Lieutenant Harrison, when the situation of the sufferers
had become irksome to a degree. Not once, during that
period, had they been permitted to throw off their clothes,
or perform their customary ablutions ; and when they descended to the court, which was rarely and but for a few
minutes, a sentinel followed with his bayonet extended,
and within a foot of the prisoner. Their hands and
wrists had also become extremely swollen by the cornpresssion of the irons, and the extremities of the fingers
of several were discolored with the quantity of blood propelled to those parts. Under these circumstances I wrote
a polite note to Colonel Campbell, detailing the several
inconveniences sustained by my brother officers, and requesting that he would cause the fetters to be removed
under the inspection of an officer, and merely for the time
requisite to clean their persons and change their linen.
To this communication I received a negative reply,
couched in the most positive and unfeeling terms. I immediately wrote a second, expressive of our united sentiments in respect to his conduct, which I had no doubt
would have brought down the wrath of the generous
commandant on my head ; but no notice whatever was
taken of the letter. Finding it vain to expect any relief
from this quarter, we adopted an expedient which
answered all the intention proposed. With the aid of an
old knife, we contrived to divide the nails by which the
irons were riveted around the wrists, and substitute
others of lead, a small, quantity of which article one of
the midshipmen happened to have in his haversack. The
relief afforded by the removal of the fetters, which was
only effected by stealth, and at those moments when we
considered ourselves free from interruption, was grateful
to all, although the fingers were so cramped by the extended position in which they had been kept, as to render it difficult and painful to move them. The leaden
pins had been blackened to imitate iron, and as the
sleeves were carefully drawn over, the deception could
-
264 PRISONERS OF WAR
only be discovered on a minute examination. Thu s
were the officers enabled not only to enjoy some little
cessation from suffering, but to attend to the comfort and
cleanliness of their persons, an advantage for which they
certainly were not much indebted to the humanity of the
public authorities of Chillicothe.
Nearly ten days had succeeded to the detection of
our plan of escape, when, one evening at a late hour, we
received intimation to prepare for our removal to the
penitentiary of Frankfort in Kentucky, and accordingly
the next day, about two o'clock in the afternoon, we
were conducted to the front of the prison, where a
detachment of regular infantry was drawn up with
their ranks facing inwards, and at extended order. Between these ranks we were placed two abreast, and the
detachment being ordered to face to the right and left,
we moved on, thus escorted or rather enfiladed, from the
gloomy walls of our prison. As if to humiliate us to the
last degree, and add insult to misfortune, we were paraded
through the principal streets of the town, though such a
route was at once circuitous and unnecessary. The
taunts and hisses of the populace who had assembled at
an early hour to witness our departure, and were now
with difficulty kept back by the guard, followed us
throughout ; but the clamorous ebullition of their hate
gave us far less concern than the sombre countenances
of the more respectable inhabitants, collected to view the
passing scene. Those with whom we had lately associated, and who had exercised the courtesies of hospitality
in our favor, now gazed upon us with various expression
—some in a triumphant disdain originating in a false
rumor, which had been industriously circulated of a design to fire the town—others with evident interest and
concern, arising from a conviction of the injustice of such
a charge. Friends and foes were, however, alike to us
at that moment, and the proud indifference of our looks
rested on all with the same cold expression ; for we felt
REMOVAL TO FRANKFORT
265
that the ignominious treatment to which we were then
being subjected, reflected, not on us, who had attempted
the fulfilment of a duty we owed both to our country and
to ourselves, but on those who thus abused their power
over us as defenceless captives. At length when it was
presumed that the good inhabitants of Chillicothe had
sated themselves with a view of the " incendiary English " we were conducted to a large boat on the river, already manned with soldiers, and awaiting our arrival.
It was with a feeling of real pleasure that we found
Lieutenant Harrison to be the officer in command of the
detachment to whose charge we were here given over ;
and as we took our places, the boat was pushed off from
the shore, and quickly glided down the Scioto, amid the
continued hootings of the rabble, collected at the point of
embarkation on its banks. Impressed with various reflections arising from the preceding scene, few of the
party were disposed for conversation, and an almost uninterrupted silence had prevailed some hours, when, towards
the close of the day, the boat struck against a " sawyer,"
or trunk of a tree carried off from the land during the
floods, and frequently stationary in the beds of rivers,
from whence, when acted on by the tide and current, it
rises suddenly to the surface in a perpendicular direction,
preserving a state of reaction, and threatening destruction even to the largest boats used in the navigation of
the Ohio and Mississippi. The concussion we experienced
gave rise to serious apprehensions for our safety ; and in
an instant the leaden pins of the handcuffs were removed,
but yet with sufficient precaution to escape the attention
of the guard. Lieutenant Harrison, however, caused the
boat to be directed towards the shore, and having expressed his intention to pass the night in an old deserted
building, which stood at the distance of some few hundred paces, we were accordingly disembarked. When arrived at the spot indicated for our temporary sojourn, the
American officer, evidently impressed with a full sense of
266
PRISONERS OF WAR
our recent danger, declared it to be his determination to
remove the fetters from our hands, provided we would
pledge our words to him, as British officers, that no attempt at escape should be made. This step, he observed,
had not in any way the sanction of his superiors, but he
was willing to take the responsibility upon himself, satisfied that our parole once engaged, no ultimate risk could
be incurred. This circumstance, however grateful in
fact, placed the manacled officers in a rather awkward
dilemma, since it was evident that in removing the irons,
which had been replaced the instant the danger was
passed, the deception must be discovered. We had, however, formed too just an estimate of the character of
Lieutenant Harrison to hesitate long in the avowal of a
subterfuge to which we had been driven by suffering and
necessity. Our promise was then given, and the whole
party once more enjoyed the unrestrained use of their
li mbs. At an early hour on the following morning we
again embarked, and a few hours brought us to the point
of confluence with the majestic waters of the Ohio. The
strong current of this expansive river carried us rapidly
forward, and we soon found ourselves at Cincinnati, the
capital of the State.
After leaving Cincinnati, and passing the boundary
line which separates the States of Ohio and Kentucky,
the direction of our course was changed, and we
ascended a small river intersecting the latter state
and leading in the line of the capital. Our progress here was slow and difficult. A thick and apparently impervious wood skirted its banks, and occasionally interweaving its protruding tops, threw a chilling
gloom over the scene, while the close underwood, reaching to the very margin of the waters, seemed to preclude
all possibility of a landing. At length a more open space
was perceptible, and at this point our journey by water,
owing to the increasing difficulty of movement, was discontinued. Horses were procured in the adjacent country ;
.
LIEUTENANT HARRISON'S KINDNESS 267
and, escorted by Lieutenant Harrison, who left his detachment in the boat, we continued our route towards
Frankfort, then at no great distance. After travelling
through a wild and thinly-inhabited country, and along
paths which no other than American horses could have
trod with safety, a range of lofty and gloomy hills, by
which that capital is nearly surrounded, announced the
proximity of what we were to consider as our future
home. The morning was cold and rainy, and as we
wound round the base of a hill which intercepted our
view, the towering walls of the penitentiary, situated in
that extremity of the town by which we approached, fell
suddenly on our gaze. A few minutes brought us in a
line with its principal entrance ; and as we glanced upwards at the low and narrow windows we beheld our
companions thrusting their handkerchiefs through the
bars, and saluting us as they could. They were the party
that had preceded us from Chillicothe, and consisted
chiefly of the officers taken at the Moraviantown. It
was a melancholy moment for recognition, and our feelings had imbibed much of the sombre character of the
season, as we moved on to the spot appointed for our
delivery into the hands of the Marshal of Kentucky.
This duty performed, Lieutenant Harrison bade us adieu,
with a friendly warmth which every individual in our
party fully appreciated and returned. He was in truth
a noble fellow.
On entering the prison of the penitentiary, we found
our friends distributed into two small rooms little larger
than common cells, and crowded together in a distressing
manner ; but many had reconciled themselves to their
situations, and enjoyed a temporary distraction in studying the trades carried on by the convicts in the court,
who cheerfully initiated them into the rudiments of their
respective arts. The following is a correct list, taken
from an American paper, of the names and rank of the
several officers assembled within its walls.
.
268
PRISONERS OF WAR
AGAIN ON PAROLE
Lieut.-Col. Warburton--Major Chambers, D. A. Q m
G.—Major Muir, 41st—Captain Derenzy, do—Capt.
McCoy, do—Capt. Hill, do—Capt. Tallon, do—Capt.
Dixon, Royal Engineers—Lieut. Hailes, 41st—Lieut.
Watson, do—Lieut. Linn, do—Lieut. Jeboult, do—Lieut.
O'Keefe, do—Lieut. Gale, do—Lieut. Purvis, Royal
Navy—Lieut. Stokoe, do—Lieut. Bremner, Provincial
do—Lieut. Rolette, do. do—Lieut. Irvine, do. do—Lieut.
Holmes, Light Dragoons—Ensign Mompesson, 41st—
Ensign Cochran, do—Ensign Jones, do—A. B. Garden,
Gent. Volunteer, Royal Newfoundland Regt.—J. Richardson, do. 41st—James Laing, do—J. Campbell, Master's
Mate, R.P.N.—G. Collins, do—J. Fortier, do—R. Nelson,
Midshipman
The whole number of prisoners were about 900, including those taken on the lake.
Our residence in the penitentiary was, however, too
limited to admit of perfection in our new occupations.
At this period a strong sensation was produced in
America by the intelligence of Napoleon's unexpected
reverses in Russia. A termination of the war between
Great Britain and France might now be anticipated as an
event of no very remote occurrence, and the ability thus
afforded to the former power of sending a more formidable
army to oppose that of the United States would place the
struggle between the two countries on a very different
footing. Under this view of the case, and as one of the
measures consequent on the altered aspect of the war,
the affair of the hostages was gradually suffered to die
away. The first step, however, was only an amelioration
of our condition, which was effected by our removal from
the penitentiary to the town. The principal hotel in
Frankfort, to which was attached an extensive garden,
surrounded by a low wall, was the place selected for our
residence, with the express prohibition, however, of outstepping its limits. Here on the score of personal comfort we had no reason to complain. Three shillings a
.
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269
day was the allowance granted by the American government to each officer, and the sick were entitled to twice
that amount. One room was occupied by two prisoners,
and our table was abundantly supplied with excellent
food. Tea, coffee, eggs, cold meat, and the various
" sweet sauces " to which the Americans are so partial,
composed our breakfast ; while at dinner we generally
found ourselves seated before meats of every description,
and succeeded by a plentiful dessert. Tea, coffee and
hot cakes composed our evening repast. A number of
black slaves were also at our orders, and the preparation
of our linen was included in the moderate charge. Such
was the revolution effected in our position, and but for the
restraint imposed on our liberty, our chains would have
been light.
At length, in consequence of an order from the seat of
Government, we were once more placed on parole, and
permission was accorded to such of the prisoners as chose
to pay their own expenses, and provide their own horses,
to repair to the Canadian frontier. This offer was eagerly
embraced by the field officers and such others as the state
of their finances would permit. The remainder were
compelled to await the issue of the arrangements then in
agitation for an exchange of prisoners, hoping that the
shackles of captivity, which had at the outset promised
to be of long continuance, would speedily be removed ;
and we availed ourselves of the liberty once more
accorded. Several gentlemen of the highest respectability
in the place were forward in offering attention ; and
among the first of these was Major Madison. This officer
had been himself a prisoner in Lower Canada, from
whence he was only recently returned, and, impressed
with a grateful sense of the treatment he had received,
hastened to evince it by various acts of hospitality and
courtesy towards ourselves. We became welcome visitors
in his family, and frequently accompanied him in excursions to several delightful country seats at some distance
270 PRISONERS OF WAR
from the town. Permission was frequently obtained for
us to visit places at the distance of twenty miles without
any escort whatever ; and as our purses had been replenished by the kindness of Mr. Sproule, a Frankfort
banker, without any other guarantee for future payment
than our simple bills, these excursions were not few. A
good understanding was, however, only maintained with
a very small portion of the inhabitants. By the rest we
were regarded with an eye of jealousy and detestation,
and whenever opportunities did present themselves, these
feelings were undisguisedly manifested. One instance
must suffice.
As a slight return for the attentions of Major Madison,
Lieutenant Irvine of the Navy, the person so honorably
alluded to in the first part of this narrative, had, with an
ingenuity for which he was remarkable, constructed a
vessel in miniature for the daughter of that gentleman.
To many of the inhabitants of Kentucky the model even
of a frigate complete in all her parts was a novel sight,
and the present was thankfully received. Anxious to
tender a similar offering, though in a different quarter, a
young midshipman named Campbell, occupying one of
the upper rooms, had undertaken a similar task, and
devoting himself with all the anxiety and ardor of his
years to the completion of his vessel, soon had the satisfaction of seeing it in a state of great forwardness. Most
unfortunately for him, however, he had forgotten that an
English flag, even on a bark of those Lilliputian dimensions, is ever an offensive image to an American eye ; and
decked in this fatal ornament, it now lay exposed in one,
of the windows of his apartment, and was distinctly
visible from the street. On the morning of its exhibition,
a crowd of persons, delighted at having what they conceived a pretext for insult, rushed in a body up the stairs,
uttering imprecations and threats. Having reached the
spot where the object of their fury was lying, they seized
HOPES OF RELEASE CRUSHED
271
the luckless ship, and dashed it on the pavement of the
street, where it was shattered in a thousand fragments,
the leader of the party exclaiming, " You British rascals,
if you show your tarnation colors here again, we'll throw
you after them." This noble feat being accomplished,
they retired, swearing at us all in true Kentucky style,
and leaving poor Campbell to brood at leisure over his
misf or tune .
Shortly after this event, arrived the agreeable intelligence that the whole of the prisoners were to be marched
to the frontier for the purpose of an immediate exchange.
Those alone who have experienced the miseries and restraints attendant on a state of captivity, especially
under such circumstances as those by which that of the
officers of the Right Division was marked, can enter into
the feelings by which we were all more or less actuated.
By many the news, although long expected, of our
exchange being actually effected, had been received as a
pleasing dream or illusion, from which the mind dreaded
to be awakened ; and until the moment of actual departure, that restlessness of impatience which is the offspring
of uncertainty seemed to predominate in every breast. A
thousand things unlikely to occur, but still within the
pale of possibility, presented themselves to imaginations
more disposed to the expectation of gloomy than of agreeable events. The order for our departure might be repealed
—the negotiation for the exchange broken off altogether
—and to crown all, the cruel subject of the hostages
renewed. Pleasurable anticipations belong only to those
who have basked in the unbroken sunshine of Fortune—
those who have been tutored in the school of Adversity
are less sanguine in their hopes, and temper the glow of
generous confidence with the steady calm of warning
experience.
That we were not wrong, indeed, in apprehending interruption to the negotiations, then pending between the
two Governments, will be seen from the following
272
PRISONERS OP WAR
important General Orders issued by Sir George Prevost,
embracing the correspondence between Adjt.-General
Baynes, and General Winder, to whom had been confided
the delicate task of entering on the subject of the
exchange of hostages.
General Order,
Headquarters, Montreal,
16th April, 1814.
His Excellency the Governor in Chief, and Command..
er of the Forces, announces to the troops under his command, that he was pleased to sanction and confirm, on
the 15th inst., Articles of a Convention entered into by
Colonel Baynes, Adjutant-General of the Forces, and
Brigadier-General , Winder of the army of the United
States of America, for the mutual release of all prisoners
of war, Hostages or others, with the exception of the
forty-six American officers and non-commissioned officers
placed in close confinement as Hostages, in conformity to
the General Order of the 27th of October last, in retaliation for twenty-three British Soldiers, confined by
the Government of the United States as hostages for
twenty-three British-born subjects, taken from the ranks
of the enemy, and sent to England for legal trial.
By this agreement it is stipulated that all prisoners of
war the above mentioned alone excepted) shall be mutually exchanged, and delivered at such places as shall be
agreed on, with all convenient expedition, and shall be
declared, respectively and severally, to be released, and
free to carry arms and serve on the 15th day of May next,
the same as if they had never been prisoners of war : and
it has been further provided, that whatever balance shall
appear on the returns of prisoners of war, respectively
exchanged or given up on parole, by either party since
the commencement of Hostilities, the number of Prisoners for which an equivalent has not been returned, shall
be withheld from all military service, until exchanged.
It is with proud satisfaction that the Commander of
the Forces feels confident, that this provisional clause can
never apply to the Army in Canada, from the immense disparity in the number and rank of the prisoners it has restored to the enemy.
All officers, non-commissioned officers and soldiers,
being prisoners of war, who are not prevented in conse-
From a paintm¢ in possession of Mr. 0 Hara Baynes, Montreal.
ADJUTANT-GENERAL EDWARD BAYNES.
PREVOST'S GENERAL ORDER
273
quence of their wounds, are commanded to join their respective corps and stations on the 15th day of May next,
and to resume their military duties.
(Signed) Edward Baynes, Adjt.-Gen.
General Order,
Headquarters, Camp at Chambly,
July znd, 1814.
Several officers of this army having returned from the
United States, where they had been held in close confinement as hostages, and having on their release signed a
conditional parole containing a pledge on their part, to
return to their captivity at the expiration of a limited
period, unless previously exchanged : His Excellency the
Governor in Chief, and Commander of the Forces, considering such parole to be inconsistent with the provisions
of a convention for the exchange of prisoners which was
entered into by persons duly empowered for that purpose
by the Government of the United States, and His Excellency respectively, and has already been carried into
complete execution on his part, and has also been in part
executed by the American Government,—is pleased to
declare that all those officers, whether of the Line or
Militia are absolved from their parole, under and by vir10.
tue of the before-mentioned convention :—that they are
released and free to serve as if they had never been Prisoners of War and are all and severally included in the
General Order of the 16th of April, directing all Prisoners
of War after the 15th of May to repair to their respective corps and stations, and to resume their military
l,
duties.
.
To destroy any doubts which may by possibility be entertained with regard to the complete execution of the
Convention above mentioned ; to satisfy the nice and
scrupulous sensibility with which a British soldier must
ever view and examine an act, professing to release him
from an obligation in which his honor is implicated, and
to remove every apprehension from the minds of those
who may come within the scope of the present General
Order, His Excellency is pleased to authorize the communication to the army under his command, of the principal circumstances attending the commencement, progress, and final conclusion of the Convention to which
allusion has above been made.
.
PRISONERS OF WAR
PREVOST'S GENERAL ORDER
At the solicitation of the Government of the United
States, conveyed in a letter from their Secretary of State
of the 19th of March, and not less induced by his anxious
desire to alleviate the unnecessary severity which the system of retaliation had introduced into the conduct of this
war, the Commander of the Forces did not hesitate in
acceding to a proposal which seemed to promise the attainment of an object so desirable. In that spirit, and
with that view, His Excellency consented to the exchange
of Brigadier-General Winder, (a Hostage) in consequence
of that officer having been selected by the President of.
the United States, as an agent, vested with full
powers to negotiate for an exchange of prisoners of war,
as well Hostages as others. His Excellency was also
pleased to nominate Colonel Baynes as an Agent vested
with similar powers, on the part of the British army.
The negotiation commenced under the most favorable
auspices. The basis and conditions of the convention
being left to the discretion of the two officers above mentioned, it was agreed that all prisoners of war, Hostages
or others (with the sole exception of the British subjects
taken from the ranks of the enemy and sent to England
for legal trial) should be released in conformity to the
regulations of the cartel, General Winder pledging himself that his Government entertained the most liberal
sentiments, and that the great disparity of prisoners, both
with respect to rank and numbers, which the United
States would receive, and for which they had no equivalent to return, should be withheld from service on parole,
until duly exchanged.
This agreement was on the point of being ratified,
when a despatch from the American Secretary of State,
dated Washington, the 22nd March, was received by
Brigadier-General Winder, and was verbally represented
by him to convey a positive prohibition to his consenting
to the release of the twenty-three British soldiers held in
confinement as Hostages for the British subjects sent to
England for trial, unless it was stipulated that they also
should be released, and sent to the United States.
This proposition was instantly answered by a note informing Brigadier-General Winder, that as a new basis
had been substituted by the Secretary of State, inadmissible in principle, the negotiation was in consequence at
an end, and that his partial exchange as a preliminary
measure was also void, and of no effect as emanating
from an act which had from the conduct of the proposing
party become a nullity.
The introduction of this new pretension on the part of
the Government of the United States had arrested the
progress of the negotiation, when a note from BrigadierGeneral Winder came (No. 3) which was acceded to by
Colonel Baynes as the basis of a convention (No. 4).
To ascertain the existence of the power of final ratification on the part of Brigadier-General Winder, the Commander of the Forces was pleased to direct Colonel Baynes
to address to that officer the note (No. 5) and although
the answer of Brigadier-General Winder, as contained in
note (No. 6) did not completely accord with the spirit of
candor professed by him, and manifested by His Excellency, nevertheless the fair construction of it was such
as to carry to his mind the conviction which it must impress on every honorable man who peruses it, that Brigadier-General Winder possessed the power of finally ratifying any new agreement for the exchange of prisoners
into which he might think proper to enter.
Under this impression the Commander of the Forces
was pleased to declare his assent to the immediate release
and exchange of Brigadier-General Winder ; the negotiation for the exchange of prisoners, on the contracted
basis imposed by Brigadier-General Winder, was re-commenced, and the conditions being arranged, a convention
was concluded on the 15th April last, and ratified by the
contracting parties.
It is under this convention, so begun and ratified, and
carried into effect according to the tenor of it, with
promptitude and good faith on the part of the Commander
of the Forces, and to which no objection has been specified by the American Government, in any of their communications to His Excellency, since the conclusion of
it, but which, on the contrary, must have been accepted,
since it has been in part executed by that Government,
that His Excellency, the Commander of the Forces, has
been pleased thus publicly to absolve all the officers and
others who have recently returned from the United States
from a parole which His Excellency conceives to be inconsistent with the terms of that convention, and which
he considers to have been enacted by persons ignorant of
its existence, or misconceiving its conditions.
By His Excellency's Command,
Edward Baynes, Adj.-General,
British North America.
274
275
276
PRISONERS OF WAR
No. i.
Montreal, Toth April, 1814.
Colonel Baynes has communicated to His Excellency
the Commander of the Forces the purport and extent of
the alterations explained by Brigadier-General Winder
to exist, between the instructions of the 19th March, addressed to him by the Secretary of State, and those of the
22nd, of the same date received yesterday, and that the
omission of the same in the first copy was owing to an
error in transcribing it.
His Excellency, however, on reference to the letter of
the Secretary of State of the i9th March, addressed to
him, as it is stated, " with the view, and in the sincere
desire to restore to the mildest practice of civilized nations
the treatment of prisoners on both sides," and authorizing Brigadier-General Winder, on the part of the United
States Government, to conclude an arrangement which
may embrace the exchange, as well as those held as hostages, as of other prisoners ; and His Excellency learning
from that officer that his instructions fully comported
with the unqualified tenor of the proposal made in the
Secretary of State's letter to him, did not hesitate a moment in acceding to the other arrangements therein suggested, and was prepared to waive just grounds which he
conceived he had of complaint against the Government of
the United States, on the subject of the exchange of prisoners of war, in the hopes of promoting an arrangement
so desirable for the cause of humanity and the honor of
both nations ; and he is much disappointed to find his
hopes frustrated by the introduction, at this period of the
negotiation, of a claim so totally inadmissible, that had
the Secretary of State's letter borne the most distant allusion to it, His Excellency would have felt himself, as
he now does, prohibited from proceeding any further on
the subject.
The British view the confinement of twenty-three soldiers as the first act of aggression : for the undoubted
right which every free nation possesses of investigating
and punishing the crimes committed by her own naturalborn subjects, in a due course of law, is too self-evident
to require a comment, nor can it, by any distortion of
sense or justice, be construed into a just ground for an
act of fair retaliation exercised on twenty-three British
soldiers : the latter are characterized by their patriotism
FIRM STAND OF PREVOST
2 77
and loyalty, the former stigmatized for their treason and
rebellion.
It would be wasting time to enter into any further discussion on this subject. Great Britain has successfully
maintained her national rights unsullied for twenty years '
against the whole world combined : it is not to be supposed that it is reserved for the United States to stop the
course of justice, and to dictate to England what procedure she shall observe towards her own natural-born subjects, in her own courts of civil judicature, arrested in
her own territories, in the commission of acts of treason
and rebellion.
It is to be remarked, that as the exchange of prisoners
of war now proposed by the United States no longer has
the general character that was at first proposed, but is
specifically to restore quota for quota, it becomes on this
ground, incumbent on the part of the British Government,
to demand, as a preliminary step, a detailed statement of
about three thousand prisoners of war, of which the third
were of the United States' regular service, captured in
Canada during the first campaign, and given up in good
faith to the United States, who at that period had no
British prisoners,—and as all subsequent exchanges on
the part of the United States, have been acquitted by an
equivalent number of prisoners simultaneously exchanged,
it is insisted that the American Government is bound by
honor and good faith to make full and complete satisfaction for the above debt, in conformity to the 14th article
of the cartel, before she can in justice retain, or ask an
equivalent for a single British prisoner now in her postit session ; and for this purpose returns will be prepared,
not only of the number of prisoners remaining unexchanged in the possession of either power, but of those
given up in good fa•ith by the British Government to the
United States, and for which no return has yet been
made, or satisfaction offered ; and as it appears from the
documents now transmitted, that the United States are
adding to the number of prisoners placed in restraint as
Hostages, His Excellency is left no alternative, and is
under the imperious necessity of ordering into close confinement, all the American officers remaining in his possession, not heretofore considered as Hostages.
If the instructions of the Secretary of State leave to
the discretion of Brigadier-General Winder no latitude
278 PRISONERS OF WAR
on the subject of the twenty-three British soldiers eo n _
sidered by Great Britain as the sole just origin of the
system of retaliation, the further prosecution of this negotiation, for an exchange of prisoners, must be unavailin
g
as His Excellency, although prepared to waive all minor
considerations, to meet the American Government on a
fair and liberal basis, is at the same time unalterably firm
in his determination not to compromise in the slightest degree, that principle of justice and equity upon which the
measures of his Government have been framed.
On a former occasion, Colonel Baynes communicated
to Major Melville that if the prisoners of war in Canada
were not exchanged previous to the arrival of the transports
expected early in the Spring, it would become a necessary
measure to relieve the Canadas of that charge, and that
they would be sent to England ; and on the opening of
the river navigation, the prisoners now at Montreal will
be sent to Quebec for that purpose.
(Signed) Edward Baynes,
Colonel, and Adjt.-General.
No.
2.
Brigadier-General Winder has received Colonel Baynes'
note of this morning, and has read it with close and profound attention, not without considerable surprise and
the deepest regret—surprise because it seems to have been
expected that the discussions depending between Colonel
Baynes and himself were in fact to have settled and adjusted a principal question which will no doubt occupy
the Congress at Gottenburg—regret because he fears that
the beneficial consequences which would result from
making exchanges, as far as was practicable under the
powers held by General Winder, must be defeated by
persisting in the Views held out by the note of Colonel
Baynes—exchanges which would restore to liberty so
many brave and honorable men of both nations, who may
otherwise linger out a tedious protracted confinement,
finally to be terminated by an inglorious death,and which
beside, would have left untouched in the fullest extent,
the pretentions of Great Britain, on the question from
whence the system of retaliation has arisen.
It appears to Brigadier-General Winder, from the note
of Colonel Baynes, that he considered an exchange made
under the restriction in Brigadier-General Winder's power,
GENERAL WINDER'S REPLY
279
as an abandonment or compromising the principle in
question by the British Government. Surely, if this were
the case, as according to Brigadier-General Winder's
conception it certainly is not, it would have been an
abandonment of it on the part of the American Government, if this restriction had not existed in the power,and
would have been an extent of power which, it is confidently believed, His Excellency did not expect would be
conferred on the occasion—nor indeed could it be supposed that a power to treat relative to the adjustment of
this principle would have been conferred upon a person
in the situation, and under the circumstances which Brigadier-General Winder was when he received the power.
Brigadier-General Winder further supposes that His
Excellency had and can have, in the ordinary course of
things, no power to settle and adjust this question unless
by special delegation, and this, if known to the Government of the United States, would have drawn from them
a correspondent delegation of power with a view to its
adjustment.
But the Government of the United States were aware
t10` that His Excellency possessed as incidental to his military command, the power of making exchanges relative
to the prisoners made from and by his command, which
t did not compromit the principle of the British Government on this point, and therefore had in view to delegate
a corresponding power to Brigadier-General Winder, as it
is considered they have entirely done.
The Government of the United States conceived that a
relinquishment of the twenty-three original Hostages
taken by them would be compromitting the principle on
their part, and declined to give a power to this extent—
they, on the contrary, do not ask a release of the
twenty-three men sent to England, because that would
be relinquishing it on the part of the British Government.
The power to negotiate upon this question,it is presumed,
has been delegated to the commissioners about to assemble
at Gottenburg.
But General W. is at a loss to perceive, that because
he does not possess this power a negotiation is to stop,
which could originally only have contemplated, and been
expected to contemplate, the exchange, as far as could be
done without broaching that question. And the letter
of the Secretary of State to His Excellency, of the 19th
280
PRISONERS OF WAR
March, and his contemporaneous instructions to Brigadier-General Winder, while they look to the largest possible exchange, yet reserve, and express to do so whole
and entire, the right on this system of retaliation, and
he most sincerely believes his propositions of yesterday's
date entirely attain this object' to both parties.
Brigadier-General Winder, conscious it would be useless to submit any observation on the other parts of
Colonel Baynes' note, as he believes them completely
embraced in one of the propositions of his note of yesterday, entirely conformable to Colonel Baynes' wishes ;
and because, possessing no other powers or instructions
than those already communicated, he supposes it more
i mportant, at the present moment, to obviate the objections to proceed in the negotiation, which he flatters himself the foregoing remarks will have a tendency to effect,
and which unless he can effect, would be time uselessly
spent, as no result could flow from it.
Brigadier-General Winder submits these remarks in a
spirit of unreserved candor and cordiality, and without
the loss of a moment ; —and flatters himself,that,viewed
by Colonel Baynes with the same spirit, they will be
found entitled to strong and conclusive weight.
(Signed) Wm. Winder,
Brig.-Gen. U. S. Army..
No. 3.
Montreal, April 11th, 1814.
Brigadier-General Winder has received Col. Baynes'
note of this morning and has read it with all the attention which the subject of it was calculated to awaken,
and however much he regrets that he is not able to accomplish all that he hoped and wished, yet he is gratified
in believing, that much may be accomplished in strict
conformity with the principles upon which His Excellency feels himself bound to act as detailed in Col. Baynes'
note of to-day, and also entirely within the powers and
instructions which Brigadier-General Winder has received and submitted from his Government. Colonel
Baynes' note states, " that the confinement of the
twenty-three American officers, and an equal number
of non-commissioned officers, is considered as the first
stage of retaliation, on the part of the British Government, and will be persevered in so long as the twentythree soldiers, for which they are held as Hostages are
NEGOTIATIONS CONTINUED
281
kept in confinement, and cannot be effected by any ex• change that does not emancipate the twenty-three
British soldiers."
What Brigadier-General Winder proposes, therefore in
entire conformity to this principle is, that the British
officers put into confinement in retaliation for the confinement of the above forty-six American officers and noncommissioned officers shall be released and exchanged to
such an extent as an equivalent value of American officers
confined in retaliation for them, or who may be prisoners
of war, other than the above forty-six, shall be released
and exchanged.
Brigadier-General Winder, in his note of the 9th made
his proposition as extensive as he was allowed, but considered at the same time, that if, in its whole extent, it
was not acceptable to His, Excellency he would hold himself ready to embrace any modification of them, which
might be more acceptable, and within Brigadier-General
Winder's power.
This proposition appearing to Brigadier-General Winder to be so entirely within the principles contained in
Colonel Baynes' note he feels the most sanguine assurance of its acceptance, and, without incumbering it with
anything else, he hastens to submit it without delay.
(Signed) Wm. Winder,
Brig-Gen. U.S. Army.
No. 4.
Headquarters, Montreal,
Adjutant-General's Office,
April. 2th, 18 14.
Colonel Baynes has to acknowledge Brigadier-General
Winder's note of the it th inst., and is commanded to acquaint him, that the Commander of the Forces consents
to an exchange of Hostages, and all others, prisoners of
war, in conformity to the scale of the cartel, under the
previous stipulated conditions recited in his note, viz.—
That the twenty-three British soldiers first confined as
hostages, and the forty-six American officers and noncommissioned officers confined as Hostages, in retaliation
for the same, remain untouched and be not included in
the present proposed exchange.
It appearing that the American Government assert to
282 PRISONERS OP WAR
have placed seventy-seven British officers in confinement
as Hostages, and the right to retaliate in an equal number •
being assumed by the Commander of the Forces, it would
be necessary to place thirty-one American officers in similar restraint, in order to hold seventy-seven to restore in
exchange, but to avoid the performance of so unpleasant
a task, it is proposed that it be taken for granted that
this further act of retaliation has been carried into effect,
and that the number of Hostages on both sides, being
equal in number, amounting to seventy-seven are declared
released as Hostages, and placed on the footing of ordinary prisoners of war, to be exchanged as such, in conformity to the cartel.
That this measure take place immediately in Quebec,
and with the least possible delay in the United States and
Halifax.
The exchange contemplated is to include every individual held as a prisoner of war connected with the
Army of British North America, commencing from the
first act of hostilities on either side, excepting only
twenty-three British soldiers, and the forty-six American officers and non-commissioned officers to be reserved
as Hostages,it being further stipulated that the last mentioned forty-six will be placed on the footing of ordinary
prisoners of war, and exchanged as such whenever the
twenty-three British soldiers are so released or delivered
over for exchange.
The details contained in Brigadier-General Winder's
note of the 9th inst. are accepted of, as forming the outline for mutual arrangement for carrying this exchange
into effect.
(Signed) Edward Baynes,
Adjutant- General, N. A.
No. 5.
Headquarters, Montreal,
Adjutant-General's Office,
April 12th, 181 4.
Colonel Baynes has to acknowledge Brigadier-General
Winder's note of this day, and is commanded to acquaint
him that the Commander of the Forces has no objection
to the principle upon which his exchange is proposed by
the Secretary of State as a preliminary measure to his
entering upon the proposed negotiation, provided that
NEGOTIATIONS CONTINUED
283
the basis upon which that negotiation is to be conducted
is in its principle admissible, and holds out a fair and a
reasonable prospect of producing the desired end.
His Excellency considered the proposal as stated in the
Secretary of State's letter of 19th March as coming under
that description, and the accompanying letter of instructions of the same date, comporting with the same, he did
not hesitate to grant his consent to the proposed exchange
of Brigadier-General Winder, as a proper preliminary
measure—but a subsequent communication from the Secretary of the United States being received by BrigadierGeneral Winder, and represented by him to have been
introduced into the first instructions, alterations in themselves inadmissible in principle, and that the same had
been omitted by error in transcribing the first copy, and
were therefore to be considered as forming the text and
spirit of the proposition. The Commander of the Forces
considered himself absolved from his assent to a document, which had, from the act of the proposing party,
become a nullity ; and thereby cancelling whatever
might have emanated from it, and that he was at liberty
to revert to the alternative suggested in the Secretary of
State's first letter, and reject the proposal in toto.
Colonel Baynes is directed to inform Brigadier-General
Winder that it is not His Excellency's intention to sanction any partial exchange, except for the express purpose
stated in the Secretary of State's letter, with which he
thinks it highly expedient and proper to comply, but he
must require from that officer a most direct and unequivocal assurance that he is authorized to treat and ratifj ,
without further reservation on the part of his Government, a
negotiation on the principles stated in Colonel Baynes'
note of the II th and 12th, and in General Winder's note
of the II th instant—in which case his exchange will be
declared full and complete.
Brigadier-General Winder will excuse this demand,
which has become necessary from the doubts which he
has himself created, as to the nature and extent of the
restriction recently placed upon him by his Government.
,
(Signed) Edward Baynes,
Adjutant-General N.A.
284
DEPARTURE FROM FRANKFORT
PRISONERS OF WAR
No. 6.
Montreal, April 13th, 1814.
Brigadier-General Winder very much regrets that he
should have failed in communicating to Colonel Baynes
in the last interview the extent of the powers communicated to him with requisite precision.
It was the intention of Brigadier-General Winder to
have stated that his powers extended without restriction,
to propose and agree to an exchange of all British prisoners of war taken from the command of Sir George Prevost, except the twenty-three men put into confinement
in retaliation for the twenty-three men sent to England,
to which extent he now assures Colonel Baynes his powers
extend, embracing all the subjects contained in Colonel
Baynes' notes of the 11th and 12th, and Brigadier-General
Winder's of the 11th.
As it was not the intention of Brigadier-General Winder that His Excellency should have the least question
as to the extent of his powers, he cannot but feel mortified, that an idea should have been entertained for a moment that he intended to render them in the least degree
doubtful, and he trusts this avowal will remove all such
impressions, and enable Colonel Baynes and himself, upon
the adjustment of Brigadier-General Winder's exchange,
to proceed without delay to the arrangement.
(Signed) Wm. Winder,
Brigadier-General, U.S. Army.
General Order.
Adjutant-General's Office,
Headquarters, Montreal,
July i8th, 1814.
His Excellency the Commander of the Forces announces
to the troops under his command, that having at the
invitation of the American Government, deputed Colonel
Baynes, Adjutant-General, and Lieutenant-Colonel Brenton, Provincial Aide-de-Camp, to meet on Thursday last
at Champlain, Colonel Lear, late Consul General of the
United States at Algiers—for the purpose of reconsider
ing the convention for the exchange of prisoners which
had been entered into on the 15th of April last, between
Colonel Baynes and Brigadier-General Winder ; and of
removing whatever objections might be made to the due
-
285
execution of it :—and the said meeting having taken
place accordingly, all objections to the said convention
were then and there completely removed ; and the same
was, on the 16th instant, fully and definitely ratified by
Colonel Lear, on the part of the United States ; (he having full power for that purpose) with a supplementary
clause, by which the twenty-three British soldiers, and
the forty-six American officers, the Hostages mentioned
in the first ar.ticle of the said convention, are declared to
be included in that convention, and are to be released
and exchanged, in the same manner as other prisoners of
war, mentioned in the same articles, notwithstanding the
exception to them therein contained ;—and His Excellency is pleased hereby to direct that this General Order
be considered in explanation and confirmation of the said
General Orders issued on the 16th and 2nd July, 1814.
Edward Baynes, Adjt, Gen. N.A.
The morning of our actual departure from Frankfort
was, as will be believed, one of joy and exultation to us
all ; and at an early hour most of the officers were
already up, and with light hearts and cheerful countenances preparing for their journey.
Our horses were at length brought to the entrance of
the hotel, before which nearly half the town of Frankfort had collected to witness our departure. Habited in
our light and neatly-fringed Kentucky frocks, fastened
by silver buckles attached to broad red morocco belts, we
soon vaulted into the saddle ; and escorted by Lieutenant
Mitchell of the rifle service, and Colonel Crocket, the
Marshal of the state, a consequential gentleman, who had
often vainly sought to subdue our refractory spirits into
something like submission to his authority, we commenced our journey. The hand of kindness and the
voice of gentlemanly consideration were extended to us
by a few, among whom stood principally conspicuous
Major Madison and the banker Mr. Sproule ; but on the
countenances of the many might be traced very different
feelings. Even while detesting our presence, they seemed
to regret the approaching removal of their victims, and
286
PRISONERS OF WAR
the insolence of their looks and observations bore sufficient testimony of their hostility.
Pursuing a route different from that by which we had
reached Frankfort, we soon arrived at Newport,' a small
town situated at the confluence of the Kanaway and Ohio
rivers, and immediately opposite to Cincinnati, in the
neighborhood of which latter place the prisoners from
Chillicothe were awaiting the arrival of their officers.
Large boats were procured for the passage of our horses,
and having crossed the river the same evening, we were
conducted to our old quarters, the principal hotel in
Cincinnati.
On joining the men, we found, that independently of
those whom the Americans had successfully employed
every art to seduce from our service, two individuals
were missing, in whose fate we had become previously
interested. At the moment of departure from the harbour of Amherstburg, Captain Barclay had received two
young Indian warriors, anxious to witness a naval combat,
on board of the Detroit ; and on engaging the American
fleet, they were stationed in the tops with their rifles.
This position, however, they found less secure than the
trees of their native forests, and were soon assailed by
showers of grape and canister which filled them with dismay. They instantly relinquished their rifles, and hastened to decamp. Too much frightened to adopt the
safer and more usual mode of descent by the ladder of the
rigging, they each grasped a loose rope pending from the
yards, and in this manner glided with fearful rapidity to
the deck, lacerating their hands in a cruel manner, and
no doubt secretly regretting their spirit of adventure.
Nor did they stop until they reached the bottom of the
hold, where they were subsequently found by the Americans, lying within a large coil of rope, and in company
with a pet bear, belonging to one of the crew, who had
' Newport is at the confluence of the Licking river and the Ohio.
There is a Kanawha river, another branch of the Ohio, farther east.
See map.
ESCAPE OF INDIAN PRISONERS 287
conveyed him there, as a place of perfect security from
the enemy's shot. In our occasional visits to the encampment at Chillicothe, we always saw and conversed
with them, and at the last which preceded our close imprisonment,we found them busily engaged in making bows
and arrows—a work in which they were not interrupted
by their guard, who probably saw nothing more in the
occupation than amusement, or an agreeable employment
of their time, but they told us in their own tongue, a
little of which was understood by one or two of the party,
that they were meditating their escape, and that the
bows and arrows were to provide them with food in the
woods. The intelligence now received was, that they had
succeeded in effecting their design shortly after our departure, having managed to scale the picketing on a dark
night, which they had selected for the purpose. What
the final result of their enterprise was, we had no future
opportunity of ascertaining ; but with the knowledge we
possessed of the extreme facility with which the Indians
find their way through the deepest and most extensive
forests, we did not entertain a doubt of their having
rejoined their tribe in safety.
The morning of our departure from Cincinnati was the
last of Colonel Crocket's " guardianship " ; for we were
handed over to an old friend, Mr. Steele, the Marshal of
Ohio, a man as gentle, considerate, and unassuming, as
the other was harsh, exacting, and overbearing. From
this gentleman we received an account of the death of our
old persecutor, Colonel Campbell.' This officer had been
'Lieut.-Col. John B. Campbell was in command of the 11th U.S.
Infantry at the battle of Chippawa, July 5th, 1814, where he was
severely wounded in the knee, from the effects of which he died.
On May 14th, 1814, with a force of about 800 men, he landed at
Long Point, Upper Canada, without opposition, burnt the village
of Dover, Ryerson's Mills, Finch's Mills, killed the cattle and hogs
of the settlers and burnt their dwellings. For this act he was
brought before a Court of Inquiry at Buffalo composed of BrigadierGeneral Scott, Major Jessup and Major Wood. The verdict of the
Court was, that Lieut.-Col. Campbell was justified in burning the
flour mills and distilleries by the usage of war, but that he erred
288 PRISONERS OF WAR
desperately wounded on the Niagara frontier, whither he
had been ordered with his regiment, soon after our departure from Chillicothe. The cap of his knee had been
carried away by a cannon shot, and he died in extreme
agony. If we had humanity enough not to rejoice at this
intelligence, we certainly did not indulge in any very
i mmoderate grief ; for the unfeeling conduct of that individual was still fresh in the recollection of many, and,
above all, the insult of exposing us to public curiosity in
the principal streets of a town in which he held the first
military command—an insult we had every reason to
believe originated with himself.
Our route from Cincinnati lay through the same dull
region we had traversed the preceding autumn ; but with
feelings far different from those we then experienced,did
we now measure back our steps. The season too was
changed, and instead of chill damps and penetrating rains,
over the face of nature was spread the genial warmth of
summer. It was the middle of July ; and though the
ardent rays of a burning sun threw their oppressive lustre
on our heads, while traversing the more open parts of the
country, we much more frequently found shelter in thick
and extensive woods where a solitary, winding and imperfect wagon-road alone marked the progress of civilization.
Each moment of our journey brought us nearer to the
more fortunate companions of our toils, and the final termination of our anxieties ; and with this heart-cheering
perspective we reconciled ourselves to the privations
incident to our more immediate position.
in burning the private dwellings, and that the active opposition of
the inhabitants to the American interests was no justification.
Richardson is not the only writer who condemns the inhumanity
of this officer. Alexander McMullen, a private in Col. Fenton's
Regiment of Pennsylvania Volunteers, censures him for his acts
on his descent on Dover.
For documents connected with the acts of this officer in Upper
Canada, see " The Documentary History of the Campaign on the
Niagara Frontier in 1814," by Lieut.-Col. E. Cruikshank.
IN A PITIABLE PLIGHT
289
Towards the close of August we again arrived at Sandusky, and during nearly the whole of the succeeding
month, were compelled to remain encamped on the small
marshy plain extending from the base of the hill on which
that fort is situated, to the edge of the river from which
it derives its name Owing to the unjustifiable neglect
of those to whom that office was entrusted,not a boat was
in readiness for our transportation across the lake, and
we beheld this new and unlooked-for evil with dismay.
The finishing stroke was put to our calamities by the
introduction of intermittent fever into the camp,a malady
which necessarily arose from constant exposure to heavy
fogs and noxious exhalations from the stagnant waters
around us. Few of the officers escaped this cruel and
distressing scourge, and nearly one-half of the men were
attacked by it. With the view of having the former
more immediately at hand, the medical officers in the fort
caused them to be conducted to a small building contiguous to one of the gates, which had been previously used
as a stable, and admitted the air and rain on every side.
A handful of hay, covered with a blanket, composed our
couch ; and here, in a state of inexpressible misery, did
we languish beneath the effects of accumulating privation
and disease. Nourishing or refreshing aliment we were
utterly unable to obtain, and the absence of necessary
medicaments was severely felt. Either from ignorance
or indolence ,—but we were given to presume the former, —
the medical officers, while they prescribed bleeding, would
not perform that office themselves, but entrusted it to a
drummer of the garrison, who certainly, to his credit be
it said, opened our veins with admirable dexterity. This
operation being performed on the arm of each patient,
half a pint of raw whisky was given us to drink. If this
potation was administered with an idea of burning the
disease out, the effect did not answer the intention, for
our stomachs were long inflamed in consequence of this
draught, and the fever raged with unceasing violence.
290 PRISONERS OF WAR
Heartily sick of our present abode, we begged to be
removed to the tents we had lately occupied. This request
was accorded ; but here we were visited by another severe
inconvenience. The neighbourhood of Sandusky abounded
in wolves, and our ears were nightly assailed with their
dismal howlings. The noise generally commenced from
one pack at no great distance from the fort, and was
repeated by several others in succession, and from opposite directions, until the whole extent of surrounding
woods appeared to be alive with them. There was something fearfully gloomy in this association of wild sounds,
particularly when the night was far advanced, and the
encampment hushed into silence and repose, yet, but for
the danger actually apprehended, we should have been
disposed to find amusement in their discordant yellings ;
for these bold animals came frequently down from the
adjacent hills, and by the.pale light of the dying embers,
we could distinctly see and hear them craunching the
bones and fragments remaining from our meals. At our
repeated solicitation? however, fire-arms were accorded
us ; and though we made no actual use of them, they
inspired us with a feeling of greater confidence and security. Yet were we not even then entirely free from alarm,
especially as our tents were detached at some distance
from each other ; and more than one sleepless night did
we pass with our fingers on the triggers of our muskets,
and momentarily expecting to be attacked by these ravenous prowlers, against whose fury we invariably took
the precaution to secure the entrance to our tents in every
possible manner.
Our situation was now become truly pitiable, and some
of the officers were compelled to part with their scanty
wardrobe, in order to procure the common necessaries of
life, from the few miserable settlers who had taken up
their abode in the neighborhood of the fort, which
they partially supplied with milk and vegetables. The
former article was that most in requisition with the
EMBARK FOR CLEVELAND
291
invalids, and, in addition to the wild fruits which we
ate with avidity, contributed not a little to the increase
of our malady. At length when nearly worn down by
vain expectation and undermining fever, a solitary boat
was seen slowly emerging from one of the angles formed
by the windings of the narrow and unhealthy river, and
in this we were embarked for Cleveland, a small harbour
on the American short opposite to Long Point, in Canada, where we were to be finally delivered up. During
this coasting voyage we were assailed by a tempest which
upset our boat ; but as we had fortunately kept close to
the land, the accident occurred in water not beyond our
depth, and we easily succeeded in righting and dragging
the vessel to the shore. Every article of clothing was,
however, completely wet through, and no habitation
being near, we were compelled to throw ourselves for the
night on the damp beach, covered with blankets still dripping with recent wet, and suffering the extremes of cold
and heat, as the various stages of our disease were developed. It required more than ordinary constitutions
to resist these attacks, and one officer (Lieutenant
Jones, of the 41st) subsequently perished. Our provisions had been utterly destroyed by the water, and our
only dependence was on the scanty pittance obtained
from the impoverished inhabitants along the coast. A few
potatoes and a small quantity of rancid butter were all
that could be procured by the American officer escorting
us, and these we devoured with all the keenness and rapacity of famished wolves ; yet was our hunger never
wholly appeased. At length the heights of Cleveland,
where were at that time two solitary and miserable houses,
appeared in sight, and we were now landed on the beach,
where several of the officers imprudently ate large quantities of peaches which grew uninclosed and in abundance around. The accession of fever produced in consequence was great, and the night was passed in the ray-
292 PRISONERS OF WAR
ings of a delirium little short of madness. On the following morning we were re-embarked in a small vessel
lying in the harbour ; and leaving an officer behind to
await the arrival, and superintend the transportation of
the men who were advancing by land, we again set sail.
Long Point, the place of our destination, was soon gained ; but with what altered feelings did we now behold
that soil which, one short month before, would have been
hailed with rapturous exultation ! Disease had worn
away our persons, and our minds were deeply tinged with
that morbid melancholy which is a characteristic feature
in the complaint. Existence itself had nearly lost its
value with its charms, and, in our then tone of feeling,
liberty or captivity were situations of indifference. It
had rained without intermission during the passage, and
on the vessel being brought to anchor, we were summoned
from the small filthy cabin, into which we had been
thrown, to the boats waiting for our reception. In a
few minutes we were landed,exhibiting to those by whom
we
were received on the beach the most distressing images
,
of poverty, disease, exhaustion, and discontent. We
arrived in Canada on the 4th of October, 1814, making
just one year from the date of our captivity.
On my arrival in Canada I lost no time, dispirited and
emaciated as I was from the effects of an ague which
continued upon me for five consecutive months, without
a single day of intermission, in parting from those with
whom I had shared so many toils and vicissitudes, and
hastening to join the King's Regiment (then stationed
at Montreal and Laprairie), to which I had been gazetted
some months previous to my capture at the Moraviantown. Nor is it uninteresting to add that my passage
from Toronto to Kingston, was made in the St.Lawrence,
Sir James Yeo's flag-ship, during the very last trip performed by that magnificent vessel, the vast dimensions
of which will be understood, when it is known that she
JOINS THE 8TH REGIMENT
293
mounted not less than 112 guns, of various heavy calibre,
and was manned by a crew, including all branches of the
service, of one thousand souls. There were, also, if I do
not greatly err, a seventy-four and two fifty gun ships,
with numerous smaller craft, following in the wake of
this Leviathan ; but war had now been so long carried
on in the country as a matter of course, and on so extensive a scale of preparation, that these latter were scarcely
regarded as anything extraordinary, even on the small
and inland fresh water sea of Lake Ontario.
At length spring with her cheerful and invigorating
attributes once more appeared, bringing with it a cessation of hostilities between Great Britain and the United
States ; and intelligence having soon afterwards reached
this country of Bonaparte's escape from Elba, and the
consequent renewal of the war in Europe, we were hurriedly ordered for embarkation, to join the British Army
in Flanders. The Headquarters of my regiment left
Montreal for Quebec in the first steamer' (the John Molson), that ever navigated these waters, and we were
speedily embarked in a transport waiting to receive us,
and forming one of sixty sail, under the convoy of Sir
George Collier in the Newcastle. Our route was to Ostend,
but we were too late—as the battle of Waterloo, to have
participated in which was worth the sacrifice of all our
previous service, was fought before we were half way across
the Atlantic.
Since that period, I had never revisited Canada, until
the astounding and unexpected events of 1837 and 1838
again brought me to my native land, to aid if necessary
in vindication of her wounded honor.
'The first Steamer on the St. Lawrence was called the Accommodation, not the John Molson. The name of the owner however,
was Honorable John Molson.
THE END.
- Item sets
- Full Text Items
- Images of a Century
- Media
Chapter 7