Chapter 2
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46
MAGUAGA
laden with ammunition, and containing their wounded.
Among the latter were two privates of the 41st who had
been too badly hit to be brought off, and being close to the
Americans had fallen into their hands, at the first and
feeble attempt made at pursuit.
As I have unconsciously been led into a much more explanatory account of the Maguaga affair than I had originally intended, I cannot take my leave of it without transcribing an anecdote related by the same writer which is
so characteristic of the detestation entertained by the
Indians for the Americans, and resembles so nearly the
conduct of the noble Hancock, who fell at the Canard,that
it cannot fail to be read with interest.
" Some time in the evening of the 9th (writes Major
Dalliba) Captain Maxwell returned with his spies, having
been sent forward to the village of Brownstown, and reported that the village was abandoned,and that no enemy
could be discovered. Early next morning, August loth,
detachments were sent out by Colonel Miller, to scour the
woods in search of one man who was ascertained to be
still missing : he was, however, found dead. While the
men were ranging over the woods, one of them was shot
dead. A smoke of a piece was discovered at a distance,
rising from the ground by the party—they approached the
spot, and beheld an Indian lying on the ground wounded,
and unable to stand. One arm and one leg were broken,
—he had lain there, during the night, by his piece which
was loaded when he fell. The cool deliberation with which
he died (of course from this we infer the Americans
killed the wounded man) proved the native fortitude of
the savage to meet death when resistance is useless. Unwilling to endure his pains longer, and die by degrees, he
determined to die by the hand of his enemies, and to sell
his life as dear to them as possible. He summoned together the little strength which remained, and so steadily
levelled his rifle at the approaching American, as to put
the ball through his heart."
IV
BROCK'S CAPTURE OF DETROIT
Meanwhile General Brock, then at York (Toronto) fully
sensible of the danger of Amherstburg, threatened as he
knew it to be by an overwhelming, and professedly exterminating foe, lost no time in repairing to its assistance.
The first detachment of the 41st pushed forward to its
relief was, as has been seen, that which joined us at
Maguaga—and consisting of sixty men. Forty more were
sent to Long Point, for the purpose of collecting the
Militia in that neighborhood, and fifty, under Captain
Chambers,' were despatched into the interior with a view
of encouraging and being joined by the Indians. The
General himself embarked on the 5th of August, for Fort
George and Long Point, doubtless having inwardly matured the daring object which he subsequently accomplished,
so much to his own honor, and that of the troops who
participated in his glory. Leaving Long Point on the
8th, with no other force than the 4o men of the 41st,
who had been previously despatched thither, and about
26o militia, principally volunteers from Toronto, General
Brock coasted the shore of Lake Erie, on his route to
Amherstburg, which post he reached on the morning of
the 13th.
The two subjoined orders, issued on this occasion, are
not unworthy of record, not because they are important in
themselves, but because they are eminently characteristic
2
Captain Peter Latouche Chambers came to Canada with the
41st Regiment about the year 1800. He was frequently mentioned
in despatches during the war and afterward became Lieut.-Colonel
of the 41st. His death occurred in 1828.
In Tupper's Life of Brock, p. 241, this date is given as the 6th
of August.
2
47
48
BROCK'S CAPTURE OP DETROIT
of him, who was prudent only where recklessness were a
fault and hazardous only where hesitation were disaster.
Head Quarters,
Banks of Lake Erie,
15 miles S.W. of Fort Talbot,'
August i ith, 1812, 6 o'clock p.m.
General Orders,
The Troops will hold themselves in readiness, and will
embark in the boats at twelve o'clock this night precisely.
It is Major General Brock's positive order that none of
the boats go ahead of that in which is the Head Quarters,
where a light will be carried during the night.
The Officers commanding the different boats will immediately inspect the arms and ammunition of the men,
and see that they are constantly kept in a state for immediate service, as the troops are now to pass through a
part of the country which is known to have been visited
by the enemy's patroles.
A Captain, with a subaltern and thirty men, will mount
as picquet upon the landing of the boats and a sentry will
be furnished from each boat, who must be regularly
relieved to take charge of the boats and baggage, &c.
A Patrole from the picquet will be sent out on landing
to the distance of a mile from the Encampment.
By order of the Major Gen.
J. B. Glegg, Capt., A.D.C.
J. Macdonell, P.A. D . C. ,
Point Aux Pins,
Lake Erie, August 1 2th ,
1812 .
General Orders.
It is Major General Brock's intention, should the wind
continue fair, to proceed during the night. Officers commanding boats will therefore pay attention to the order of
sailing as directed yesterday. The greatest care and
attention will be requested to prevent the boats from scattering or falling behind
A great part of the Bank of the Lake when the boats
will this day pass is much more dangerous and difficult of
Fort Talbot is a misprint for Port Talbot the home of the Hon.
Col. Thomas Talbot, a man who took a very prominent part in the
settlement of the western district of Upper Canada.
From original photograph in possession of Mr. B. Glegg, Rackford Hall, Chester, England.
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL JOHN
B.
GLEGG.
PREPARATIONS FOR THE SIEGE
49
access than any we have passed. The boat therefore will
not land, excepting in the most extreme necessity; and
then great care must be taken to choose the best places
for landing.
The troops being now in the neighborhood of the
enemy, every precaution must be taken to guard against
surprise.
By order of the Major-General,
J. B. Glegg, A.D.C.
The arrival of Gen. Brock at Amherstburg was the signal for an offensive demonstration in our turn. The bridge
at the Canard—so often the scene and object of contention—had been repaired, immediately after the abandonment of the Western District of Canada, by General Hull,
who had recrossed the river, with the whole of his army,
during the 7th and 8th, and preparations had already been
made for bombarding Detroit. Under the superintendence'
of Captain Dixon, of the Engineers, and Captain Hall' of
the Provincial Navy, batteries wire already in a train of
construction. The Queen Charlotte of twenty guns, and
the brig General Hunter of twelve, had moreover been
I sent up the river for the purpose of covering their opera' tions, and conveying such warlike munitions as were required for the siege. The position chosen for the batteries
was an elevated part on the bank of the Detroit, immedi-
I
These officers were assisted by the Norfolk and Oxford Militia
under Captain
John Bostwick, First Lieut. George Ryerson and
P
Second Lieut. George Rolph.
Lieut. Ryerson's narrative toD
r. C
anniff, published in Bel ford's Magazine, Toronto, 1877.
Catain
George B. Hall was next in command to Hon. AlexP g,
Commodore of the government fleet on the Upper
ander Grant, the C
Lk
aes. When the warb
roke out Commodore Grant was 85 years
of age—too old for active service—consequently Captain Hall had
charge of the marine department until the arrival of Captain Barclay.
He was present at the Miami in May, 1813, and was mentioned in despatches. By order of Captain Barclay he was discontinued in
the Provincial Marine. For this act Barclay was reprimanded because he had no authority to annul any appointment. Captain
Hall was retained in the service as Superintendent of the dockyard and naval stores at Amherstburg at the same pay as he
formerly received.
In 1817 a George B. Hall (in all probability Captain Hall ) was
elected by Essex, as a member of the Legislative Assembly.
2
50
BROCK' S CAPTURE OF DETROIT
ately opposite to the fort of that name, and on the outskirt
of, what has since become, the Village of Windsor. The
distance across, at this point, is not quite a mile.
During the morning of the 15th, the batteries being
ready to open their fire, General Brock, who had lost no
time in repairing to Sandwich, and had ordered all the disposable force in Amherstburg to follow forthwith, despatched a flag, with a summons to the American commander. •
Head Quarters, Sandwich, August 15th, 18 1 2.
—The
force at my disposal authorizes me to require
Sir,
of you the immediate surrender of Fort Detroit.—It is far
from my inclination to join in a war of extermination, but
you must be aware that the numerous body of Indians,
who have attached themselves to my troops, will be
beyond my control the moment the contest commences.
You will find me disposed to enter into such conditions
as will satisfy the most scrupulous sense of honor. Lieut.Colonel Macdonell, and Major Glegg are fully authorized
to conclude any arrangement that may lead to prevent
the unnecessary effusion of blood.
I have the honor to be,
Sir, your most obdt. Servant,
(Signed) ISAAC BROCK, Major Gen.
His Excellency, Brigadier Gen. Hull,
Commanding at Fort Detroit.
To which the subjoined answer was returned.
Head Quarters, Detroit, August 15th, 1812.
—I have received your letter of this date. I have
Sir,
no other reply to make, than to inform you that I am prepared to meet any force which may be at your disposal,
and any consequences, which may result from any exertion
of it you may think proper to make.
I avail myself of this opportunity to inform you that the
flag of truce, under the direction of Captain Brown, proceeded contrary to the orders, and without the knowledge
of Col. Cass, who commanded the troops which attacked
your picket, near the river Canard bridge.
I likewise take this occasion to inform you that Cowie's
house was set on fire contrary to my orders, and it did
not take place until after the evacuation of the Fort. From
the best information I have been able to obtain on the
0
THE BRITISH CROSS THE DETROIT
51
subject, it was set on fire by some of the inhabitants on
the other side of the river.
I am, very respectfully.
Your Excellency's most obdt. Servant,
(Signed) W. Hull, Brig. Gen.
His Exc' y. Major Gen. Brock, Comm'g the N.W. Army.
Comm'g His Britannic Majesty's
Forces, Sandwich, Up. Canada.
On this refusal being made known, the batteries, on
which were mounted one long eighteen, and two long
twelve-pounders, with a couple of mortars, opened a welldirected fire upon the fort, which threw the enemy into
evident confusion. Some heavy guns were brought forward by them to the bank to bear upon the batteries, but
my impression is, although it may be wrong, as General
Brock describes it in his Official Despatch as having been
spirited, that their fire was very languidly returned. Certainly it produced no other effect upon the batteries, than
to cause them to throw in their shot with increased
rapidity and precision.
The refusal to surrender had of course been anticipated,
and preparations for crossing, and attempting to carry
Detroit by storm, having in the meantime been made—
everything was in readiness by daybreak on the following
morning. The batteries, which had kept up an irregular
fire during the night, renewed it at the first dawn with
unabated spirit, and the requisite boats having been provided, the crossing was effected without opposition, under
cover of the guns of the Queen Charlotte and General
Hunter, which lay anchored about half a mile above
Sandwich. A soft August sun was just rising, as we
gained the centre of the river, and the view, at the
moment, was certainly very animated and exciting, for,
amid the little squadron of boats and scows, conveying
the troops and artillery, were mixed numerous canoes
filled with Indian warriors, decorated in their half-nakedness for the occasion, and uttering yells of mingled defiance of their foes and encouragement of the soldiery.
52 BROCK'S CAPTURE OF DETROIT
Above us again were to be seen and heard the flashes and
thunder of the artillery from our batteries, which, as on
the preceding day, was but feebly replied to by the
enemy, while the gay flags of the Queen Charlotte, drooping in the breezeless, yet not oppressive air, and playing
on the calm surface of the river, seemed to give earnest
of success, and inspirited every bosom.
The point of embarkation was nearly opposite to the
low, stone building at Sandwich, which (then a school) is
now used as a barrack, and the place of landing was a
little above the Spring Wells—not far, indeed, from the
spot where now stand the house and grounds of General
Schwartz. From this to the fort is about three miles,
and the road, occasionally winding, was commanded from
the rising ground, which then crowned the immediate
entrance to the town on the side by which we approached,
but which has since been partially levelled. The whole
of the force, including militia and Indians (most of these
latter had preceded us during the night of the 15th)
having landed, General Brock, who had crossed in one of
the leading boats, ordered the reports to be collected,
when it was found that there was but 55o men of allarms present. This return appearing extremely weak,
Major Glegg assisted by Lieutenant MacLean, Brigade
Major to General Procter, was again desired to see if a
greater number could not be mustered. These officers
finally made out 75o men, including the militia who were
employed in rowing the boats, but who were not present
upon the ground. I am particular in detailing this fact,
because there have been so many versions of our strength,
that it is important the correct one should be known.
The column having been formed, we moved forward by
sections, at nearly double distance, in order to give to our
little force a more imposing appearance. Lieut. Bullock
commanded the advanced guard, and immediately in rear •
of this, and preceding the column, were the light artillery
(three six and two three-pounders) with which only we
iP•
BOLD ADVANCE OF THE BRITISH
53
advanced against the enemy's fortress.' Nothing but the
boldness of the enterprize could have ensured its success.
When within a mile and a half from the rising ground to
which I have just alluded, as commanding the approach
to the town, we distinctly saw two long, heavy guns,
(afterwards proved to be twenty-four pounders) planted in
the road, and around them the gunners with their fuses
burning. At each moment we expected that they would
be fired, yet although it was evident the discharge must
literally have swept our small, but dense column, there
was neither halt nor indecision perceptible. This was
fortunate. Had there been the slightest wavering, or
appearance of confusion in the men, the enemy, who were
closely watching us, and who seemed intimidated by the
confidence of our advance, would not have failed to profit
by the discovery ; and fearful, in such case, must have
been the havoc ; for, moving as we were by the main
road, with the river close upon our right flank, and a
chain of alternate houses and close fences upon our left,
there was not the slightest possibility of deploying. In
this manner, and with our eyes riveted on the guns,
= Extract from District General Orders :
Head Quarters, Fort Amherstburg,
Aug. 14th, 1812.
Captains Muir, Tallon and Chambers of 41st Regiment, Captain Glegg, 49th Regiment, Captain Mockler, Newfoundland Regt.,
and Captain Dixon, Royal Engineers, are appointed to the rank of
major so long as the local service on which they are employed continues.
The troops in the Western District will be divided into three
brigades : The First, under Lieut.-Colonel St. George, to consist of
detachments of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment, and of the
Kent and First and Second Regiments Essex Militia. The Second
under the command of Major Chambers, consisting of 50 men of
the 41st Regiment, and of the whole of the detachments of York,
Lincoln, Oxford and Norfolk Militia. The Third Brigade, under
the command of Major Tallon, will consist of the remainder of the
• 1st Regiment.
Colonel Procter will have charge of the whole line, under the
orders of the Major-General.
James Givins, Esquire, late Capt. 5th Regiment, is appointed •
Provincial Aid-de-Camp, with the rank of Major in the Militia.
By order of the Major-General.
J. B. Glegg, Major, A.D.C.
54
BROCK'S CAPTURE OF DETROIT
A WHITE FLAG
55
which became at each moment more visible, we silently
peremptorily refused, from an apprehension of ulterior
advanced until within about three-quarters of a mile of
consequences. Whatever the cause, we certainly had
the formidable battery ; when General Brock, having
reason to congratulate ourselves that we had escaped the
found this point a position favorable for the formation of
threatened danger. I confess that I breathed much more
the columns of assault, caused the whole to be wheeled
freely when we had left the road, which was quite as bad
as any cul-de-sac, and taken up our position near the farmto the left, through an open field and orchard, leading to
house.
a house about three hundred yards off the road, which he
selected as his Headquarters. In this position we were
At the moment when the white flag was seen advancing
from the point at which the threatening twenty-four
covered.
While this was passing on the right bank of the river,
pounders—their muzzles turned from the batteries upon
our batteries had been performing good service on the
us—were yet planted, General Brock had advanced up the
brow of the rising ground which concealed us from their
left. The officers in charge had succeeded in getting the
true range of their guns, which threw their shot with
view, for the purpose of reconnoitering the fort. He was
admirable precision, and in the early part of the morning
soon apprized of this new and unexpected feature in the
an eighteen-pound ball had found its way into the fort
aspect of affairs, and promptly despatched Colonel
through an embrasure, and passing into the mess-room,
Macdonell and Major Glegg to meet it. It was the latter
killed four officers (one of whom was Lieut. Hanks, the
officer, if I mistake not, who speedily returned by the
main road at full gallop to communicate to the General,
commandant at Michilimackinac on its recent surrender to
Captain Roberts) scattering their brains and blood against
who in the meantime had returned to the column, that the
the walls of the apartment, and filling the Americans
object of the flag was to propose a surrender of the fort.
within the fort, as we afterwards understood, with serious
Furnished with the instructions of his Chief, Major Glegg
dismay. As soon as this circumstance was reported to
rode back at the same speed to the party who were
General Hull, and about the time when the troops were
awaiting his return, and all then entered the town for the
purpose of arranging the terms of capitulation.
crossing below, he despatched a white flag to the batteries, but Captain Hall, who commanded there, having
At the termination of an hour, during which the arms
stated, to the officer who bore it, that General Brock was
of the men who loitered indifferently about, were piled,
by that time on his own shore, and was the only person
while such of the Officers as were fortunate enough to be
by whom the flag could be received, the bearer immeearly in their application, were provided with an excellent
diately returned—the batteries discontinuing their fire,
breakfast by the people of the farm-house, one of the
however, in the meantime. This, of course, was during
Aids-de-Camp was again descried hurrying from the
town at full speed. He brought the gratifying intelliour advance, and it might be reasonable to infer that it
was in consequence of this flag being then in the act of
gence that the capitulation had been completed ; and the
passing from one shore to the other that the enemy had
order was then given for the troops to advance and form
not opened his fire from the long twenty-four pounders
upon the glacis of the fort. The " fall in " was immeand
pointed at our column, were it not that General Chss
diately sounded, and we moved as directed, not by the
others have distinctly stated that they requested the sanemain road, but by the orchards and fields which interof
General
Hull
to
fire,
but
that
such
sanction
was
tion
$
56 BROCK'S CAPTURE OP DETROIT
vened between our position and the fortress. As we
approached, and beheld the numerous cannon frowning
from their embrasures, it was impossible to avoid feeling
mingled surprise and congratulation that so formidable a
post should have been the fruit, apparently, more of a
party of pleasure than of war.
The glacis gained, the column was halted, and on our
arrival we found that the greatest portion of the regular
troops had marched out of the garrison upon the esplanade, where they were now loitering about as we had a
few minutes before, with piled arms. A guard of honor,
consisting of an officer and forty men, was immediately
formed to take possession of the fort. The command of
this devolved upon the officer who had led the advanced
guard—Lieutenant Bullock ; and among those of the
Militia who were attached to his party, and had first the
honor of entering the fortress, were the present Chief
Justice Robinson,' Samuel Jarvis,' Esquire, Superintendent of Indian affairs, and Colonel William Chisholm,3 of
Oakville.
Sir John Beverley Robinson, Bart., was born in Berthier,
Quebec, July 26th, 1791. He was acting Attorney-General of
Upper Canada, from the death of Col. John Macdonell in 1812,
until the return of Hon. D'Arcy Boulton to Canada in 1815 ; Solicitor-General from 1815 to 1818 and Attorney-General from 1818
to 1829 when he was appointed Chief Justice of Upper Canada, an
office he graced till 1862. His death occurred January 31st, 1863.
He was the foremost of "The Fighting Judges," a term applied
to those men who fought for their country, and who afterwards
by their ability rose to the Bench.
'Colonel Samuel Peters Jarvis, the eldest son of William Jarvis,
Secretary of Upper Canada from 1792 to 1817, was born at Newark
( Niagara) November 15th, 1792. At Detroit he was attached to
the 41st Regiment and was present as a lieutenant at Queenston
Heights, Stoney Creek and Lundy's Lane. He was Clerk of the
Crown in Chancery and Chief Superintendent of Indian Affairs.
During the rebellion of 1837-38 he raised the "Queen's Rangers."
He died at Toronto, September 6th, 1857.
3 Colonel William Chisholm was the son of George Chisholm, who
emigrated from Inverness, Scotland, to Nova Scotia, where Colonel
Chisholm was born Oct. 15th, 1788. At the taking of Detroit he
was Lieutenant of No. 1 Flank Company of Lincoln Militia, and
medal awarded to Lieut.-Col. John Macdonell, P.A.D.0 , to commemorate the capture of Detroit,
now in possession of John Alexander Macdonell, K.C., Alexandria,
THE BRITISH OCCUPY THE FORT
57
An error, which, in many similar circumstances, might
have proved a fatal one, occurred on this occasion. The
order for the advance of the guard of honor was given
prematurely, by some officer of the Staff—whom however
I do not now recollect—for no sooner had the head of the
guard passed over the drawbridge into the fort, when it
found itself almost hemmed in by a host of the Ohio
Militia—many of them looking very fierce and very
indignant at the surrender—who had not yet been marched
out. As the entrance of the guard under these circumstances was a violation of an article of the capitulation,
which expressly stipulated that the American Garrison
were to march out before the British troops took possession, we were promptly faced to the rear, and marched
back again to the glacis—where we waited patiently
until the angry-looking riflemen found it convenient to
move. We then entered in form, and lowering the American flag, hoisted, in default of the regular British ensign,
an Union Jack which a stray blue-jacket had brought
with him, tied round his body, and which he very cheerat Queenston Heights was in command of the flank company of
York Militia. He was Colonel of Militia in 1824, and commanded
the left wing of the Loyalists at Montgomery's Tavern (Gallow's
Hill), Dec. 7th, 1837. For several years he represented the County
of Halton in the Legislature, and in 1834 was appointed Collector
of Customs at Oakville, where he died May 4th, 1842.
His son, George King Chisholm, was also Colonel of Militia, and
took part in the defence of Fort Erie during the Fenian Raid of
1866. He represented Halton for one Parliament, and was for
some time Sergeant at Arms of the Parliament of Canada. He died
in April, 1874.
Another son Robert Kerr Chisholm succeeded his father as Collector of Customs and was elected to several Municipal offices.
Many of the descendants of Colonel Chisholm reside at Oakville.
Another officer of this name that served on the Niagara frontier
during the war was Colonel George Chisholm, who was born at
Fort Erie, Sept. 16th, 1792, the youngest son of George Chisholm,
a U. E. Loyalist. He took part in the battle of Queenston
Heights, and was in command of a company at Lundy's Lane.
In 1837 he was made a Lieut.-Col., and Col. in 1838. He was one
of the " Men of Gore" that accompanied Sir Allan N. MacNab to
Toronto to quell the rebellion. His death occurred in 1872.
D. B. Chisholm, Mayor of Hamilton in 1872, was his youngest
son.
58 BROCK'S CAPTURE OF DETROIT
fully gave up for the purpose. The sentinels were then
planted around the ramparts, and I (at that time a young
volunteer armed with a musket taller than myself) had
the honor of mounting my first guard at the Flag Staff—
not a little elated I confess at the very enviable position
in which, as a young Warrior, I conceived myself to be
placed on the occasion. Nor was the feeling at all diminished, as strutting most martially to and fro on my post,
and, casting my eyes downward upon the esplanade, I
saw, or fancied I saw, the American troops looking up
with anything but satisfaction at the red-coats who had
thus usurped their place.
The articles of capitulation having been finally settled,
and the troops—the main body of which had soon followed
the guard of honor—in possession of the fort, the first act
of General Brock was to enter and liberate, in person, the
gallant Dean who had been taken prisoner at the Canard
and who then lay confined in the guard-room. Shaking
him by the hand in presence of his comrades—while his
voice betrayed strong emotion, he warmly approved his
conduct, and declared that he was indeed an honor to the
profession of a soldier. Such commendation, from such a
man, was in all probability the happiest day of poor
Dean's existence, and must have amply repaid him for all
his sufferings in confinement.
Soon after our occupation of the fort, Lieut. Bullock the
officer commanding the guard, discovered the colors of the
4th Regiment of Infantry, which had been left in a room
contiguous to that in which the four American officers
were killed by the fire from our batteries. When it became
known to General Brock that the colors had not been
delivered over with the usual formalities, an order was
sent to the officer of the guard to take them down to the
esplanade where the American prisoners were assembled,
and hand them over to the officer in command of the 4th
Regt., with a view to their proper delivery. The order
BROCK'S GENERAL ORDER
59
was promptly obeyed. Lieut. Bullock, taking with him a
few files of his guard, conveyed the colors to the ground
occupied by the 4th, when, on enquiring for the officer
commanding that Regiment, he was met by a Captain
Cook, who stated that in the absence of Colonel Miller—
lying ill with ague at the time—the command had devolved
on him. To this officer Lieut. Bullock communicated his
errand. Captain Cook took from him the colors, and
again presented them saying—"Sir! the fortune of tvar has
placed these in your hands—they are yours." Lieut.
Bullock simply bowed, and withdrew. It was evident
that Captain Cook, and those around him felt much chagrin on the occasion.
On the afternoon of the surrender of Detroit the following order was published.
General Order,
Head Quarters, Detroit, 16th August, 18 12 .
Major-General Brock has every reason to be satisfied
with the conduct of the Troops he had the honor to lead
this morning against the enemy. The state of discipline
which they so eminently displayed, and the determination
they evinced to undertake the most hazardous enterprize,
decided the enemy, infinitely more numerous in men and
artillery, to propose a capitulation, the terms of which are
herewith inserted for the information of the Troops.
The Major-General requests Colonel Procter will accept
his best thanks for the assistance he derived from his experience and intelligence.
The steadiness and discipline of the 41st Regiment, and
the readiness of the Militia to follow so good an example
were highly conspicuous.
The ability manifested by Captain Dixon of the Royal
Engineers in the choice and construction of the batteries
and the high state of the Royal Artillery under Lieut.
Troughton, afforded the Major-General much gratification, and reflect great credit on those officers.
The willing assistance given by Captain Hall and the
Marine Department during the whole course of the service
has been very conspicuous, and the manner the batteries
BROCK'S GENERAL ORDER
6o
61
BROCK'S CAPTURE OF DETROIT
were served this morning evinced a degree of steadiness
highly commendable.
Lieut. Dewar, Dpt. Ass. Qr.-Master-General, afforded
strong proof by the local knowledge he had acquired of
the country, of an unremitting attention to his duty ; and
the care and regularity with which the troops were transported across the river, must in a like degree, be ascribed
to his zeal for the service.
To Lieut.-Col. St. George, Majors Tallon and Chambers,
who commanded brigades, every degree of praise is due
for their unremitting zeal and attention to their respective
commands. The detachment of the Royal Newfoundland
Regiment, under the command of Major Mockler, is deserving every praise for their steadiness in the field, as
well as when embarked in the King's vessels.
The Major-General cannot forego this opportunity of
expressing his admiration at the conduct of the several
companies of Militia who so handsomely volunteered to
undergo the fatigues of a journey of several hundred
miles to go to the rescue of an invaded district ; and he
requests Major Salmon,' Captains Hatt, Heward, 3Bostwick,
2
' Major George C. Salmon was an officer of the 2nd Norfolk Militia. By a militia general order of July 22nd, 1812, Colonel Talbot
was commanded to make up a detachment of 200 men from the
1st and 2nd Norfolk, and the Oxford and Middlesex militia, and
place it under the command of Major Salmon, who was to proceed
with this force to Moraviantown to await the arrival of Major
Chambers, of the 41st Regiment, under whose command he was
to place himself. It is doubtful whether this order was carried
out, as some authorities say he accompanied General Brock.
Major Salmon was an excellent officer, and was frequently mentioned in despatches.
Mr. Justice William Salmon, Judge of the County of Norfolk,
who died Feb. 8th, 1868, was the second son of Major Salmon.
He took an active part in the suppression of the Rebellion of 1837.
The father of Judge Salmon and the father of Dr. Rolph emigrated together from near Bristol in England in 1809.
2Captain Samuel Hatt was appointed by General Brock to command the flank companies of the 5th and 6th Regiments of Lincoln Militia. At the repulse of General Smyth at Fort Erie, Nov.
28th, 1812, he was commended for his services by Col. Bisshopp.
3Major Stephen Heward was in command of a company of the
York Militia at Detroit. He was for many years a prominent citizen of York (Toronto).
4Colonel John Bostwick served in the war as a captain of the
and Robinson,' will assure the officers and men under
their respective command, that their services have been
duly appreciated and will never be forgotten.
The Major-General is happy to acknowledge the able
assistance he has derived from the zeal and local information of Lieut.-Col. Nichol, acting Quarter-Master-General
to the Militia.
To his personal Staff the Major-General feels himself
under much obligation ; and he requests Lieut.-Colonel
Macdonell, Majors Glegg and Givins, will be assured that
their zealous exertions have made too deep an impression
on his mind ever to be forgotten.
2
Norfolk militia. His conduct at Fort Erie, November 28th, 1812,
where he was slightly wounded, was specially mentioned in the
official despatch of that event. He served as colonel during the
rebellion of 1837-38.
There was a Lieut.-Col. Henry Bostwick of the Oxford Militia,
who served during the war.
=Captain William Robinson, an officer in the Norfolk Militia,
was born in New Jersey in 1776, his father having emigrated from
Yorkshire, England, four years before. In 1802 he came to Upper
Canada. His eldest son Richard enlisted at the beginning of the
war although but 15 years of age and served till its close. Capt.
Robinson died in 1829.
Colonel James Givins came to Canada when a young man as
an officer in a British Regiment. For some years he was on the
Detroit frontier and among the native tribes of the west picking up
a knowledge of several Indian dialects which made his services
afterwards so useful to the Lieut.-Governors and the government.
In 1792 we find him at Newark (Niagara) as Lieutenant of the
Queen's Rangers and afterwards as Aid to Simcoe on his journey to
Detroit in February, 1793.
He accompanied Simcoe on his search for a new metropolis
of the province, and when the site of Toronto was chosen he took
up his residence there and was appointed a Superintendent in the
Indian Department, an office which he held till 1842. When the
war commenced he entered upon active service which lasted till its
close. At the taking of Detroit he was Aid to Brock and Interpreter, and at the defence of Fort Erie, he commanded the Indians. When York was taken by the Americans in April, 1813, he,
at the head of 25 Indians and 60 men of the Glengarry Fencibles
stubbornly opposed the landing of Major Forsyth. In 1819 he
asked to be granted the Gold Medal for Detroit, as a staff officer,
his name being left off the list of recommendations by an oversight, but if he received this distinction to which he was justly entitled, I have seen no record of it.
Canon Saltern Givins, Judge Givins, sometime of London,
Ontario, and Surgeon Major Givins, of the India Medical Staff,
were his sons.
BROCK'S CAPTURE OF DETROIT
BROCK'S OFFICIAL DESPATCH
The conduct of the Indians under Col. Elliott, Capt.
McKee,' and other officers of that department, joined to
that of the gallant and brave Chiefs of their respective
tribes, has since the commencement of the war been
marked with acts of true heroism, and in nothing can
they testify more strongly their love to the King, their
Great Father, than in following the dictates of honor and
humanity, by which they have been hitherto actuated.
Two fortifications have already been captured from the
enemy without a drop of blood being shed by the hands
of the Indians ; the instant the enemy submitted, his life
became sacred.
By order of Major-General Brock.
J. B. Glegg, Capt., A. D. C.
From Major-General Brock, to His Excellency, Sir
George Prevost.
Head Quarters, Detroit,
Aug. 17th, 1812.
Sir, —I have had the honor of informing your Excellency,
that the enemy effected his passage across the Detroit
river on the 12th ult. without opposition ; and that, after
establishing himself at Sandwich, he had ravaged the
country as far as the Moraviantown. Some skirmishes
occurred between the troops under Lieut.-Col. St. George
and the enemy, upon the River Canard, which uniformly
terminated in his being repulsed with loss. The occupation of Sandwich was evidently productive of considerable
effect on the minds of a large portion of the inhabitants.
The disaffected became more audacious, and the wavering more intimidated. I judged it therefore proper to
detach at every risk a force down the River Thames,
capable of acting in conjunction with the garrison of
Amherstburg offensively, but Captain Chambers, whom I
had appointed to direct this detachment, experienced
difficulties from the prevalent spirit of the moment that
frustrated my intentions.
The intelligence received from that quarter admitting
of no delay, Colonel Procter was directed to assume the
command, and his force was soon after increased with
sixty rank and file of the 41st regiment.
In the meantime, the most strenuous measures were
adopted to counteract the machinations of the evil disposed, and I soon experienced the gratification of receiving voluntary offers of service from that portion of the
embodied militia the most easily collected. In the attainment of this important point, gentlemen of the first character and influence shewed an example highly creditable
to them ; and I cannot, on this occasion, avoid mentioning
the essential assistance I derived from John Macdonell,
Esq., His Majesty's Attorney-General, who, from the beginning of the war, has honored me with his services as my
Provincial Aid-de-Camp. A sufficiency of boats being
collected at Long Point for the conveyance of 30o men,
the embarkation took place on the 8th instant, and in
five days we arrived in safety at Amherstburg.
I found that the judicious arrangements which had been
adopted immediately upon the arrival of Colonel Procter,
had compelled the enemy to retreat, and take shelter under
the guns of his fort ; that officer commenced operations
by sending strong detachments across the river, with a
view of cutting off the enemy's communication with his
resources.
This produced two smart skirmishes on the 5th and 9th
inst., in both of which the enemy's loss was very considerable, whilst ours amounted to 3 killed and 13
wounded ; amongst the latter, I have particularly to regret
Captain Muir and Lieutenant Sutherland, of the 41st
regiment ; the former an officer of great experience, and
both ardent in His Majesty's service. Batteries had likewise been commenced opposite Fort Detroit, for one 18
pounder, two 12's, and two 5 A inch mortars ; all of
which opened on the evening of the 15th (having previously
summoned Brigadier Gen. Hull to surrender), and although opposed by a well directed fire from seven 24
62
= Captain Thomas McKee, son of Colonel Alexander McKee, was
in command of a party of Indians at the taking of Detroit, and in
the several subsequent engagements. He was Superintendent of
Indian Affairs for many years. The McKee family have occupied
prominent positions in the western district since 1775. Colonel
Alexander McKee was appointed Deputy Superintendent General
of Indian Affairs by Lord Dorchester, who expressed his satisfaction with his conduct. His death on January 14th, 1799, was a
distinct loss to the British in their dealings with the Indians.
Captain Thomas McKee was elected a member of the Legislative
Assembly for Kent in 1796 and for Essex in 1801. Thomas McKee, who so long has honorably filled the office of County
Clerk of Essex, is a grandson of Captain Thomas McKee. The
present able representative of North Essex in the Ontario Legislature is W. J. McKee, great grandson of the representative of 100
years ago and son of the present County Clerk.
-
1
63
64
BROCK'S CAPTURR OF DETROIT
pounders, such was their construction under the able
direction of Captain Dixon of the Royal Engineers, that
no injury was sustained from its effect.
The force at my disposal being collected in the course
of the 15th in the neighborhood of Sandwich, the embarkation took place a little after day-light on the following
morning, and by the able arrangements of Lieutenant
Dewar, of the Quarter-Master-General's department, the
whole was, in a short time, landed without the smallest
confusion at Spring-Well ; a good position, three miles
west pf Detroit. The Indians, who had in the meantime
effected their landing two miles below, moved forward
and occupied the woods, about a mile and a half on our
left.
The force which I instantly directed to march against the
enemy consisted of 3o Royal Artillery, 25o 41st Regiment,
5o Royal Newfoundland Regiment, 400 militia, and about
600 Indians, to which were attached three 6 pounders and
two 3 pounders. The services of Lieutenant Troughton,
commanding the Royal Artillery, an active and intelligent
officer, being required in the field, the direction of the
'batteries was intrusted to Captain Hall, and the Marine
department, and I cannot withhold my entire approbation
of their conduct on this occasion.
I crossed the river, with an intention of waiting in a
strong position the effect of our force upon the enemy's
Camp, and in hopes of compelling him to meet us in the
field ; but receiving information upon landing, that
Colonel M'Arthur, an officer of high reputation had left
the garrison three days before with a detachment of 500
men, and hearing, soon afterwards, that his cavalry had
been seen that morning three miles in our rear, I decided
on an immediate attack. Accordingly, the troops advanced to within one mile of the fort, and having ascertained that the enemy had taken little or no precaution
toward the land side, I resolved on an assault, whilst the
Indians penetrated his Camp. Brigadier Gen. Hull, however, prevented this movement, by proposing a cessation
of hostilities, for the purpose of preparing terms of capitulation. Lieutenant-Colonel John Macdonell and Captain
Glegg were accordingly deputed by me on this mission,
and returned within an hour with the conditions, which
I have the honor to transmit. Certain considerations
MAJOR-GENERAL SIR ISAAC BROCK .
BROCK'S OFFICIAL DESPATCH
65
afterwards induced me to agree to the two supplementary
articles.
The force thus surrendered to His Majesty's arms,
cannot be estimated at less than 2,500 men. In this estimate, Colonel M'Arthur's detachment is included, as lie
surrendered, agreeably to the terms of capitulation, in
the course of the evening, with the exception of 200 men,
whom he left escorting a valuable convoy at some little
distance in his rear ; but there can be no doubt the officer
commanding will consider himself equally bound by the
capitulation.
The enemy's aggregate force was divided into two
troops of cavalry ; one company of artillery regulars ;
the 4th United States regiment ; detachments of the ist
and 3rd United States regiments, volunteers ; three regiments of the Ohio Militia ; one regiment of the Michigan
territory.
Thirty-three pieces of brass and iron ordnance have
already been secured.
When this contest commenced, many of the Indian
nations were engaged in active warfare with the United
States, notwithstanding the constant endeavors of this
government to dissuade them from it. Some of the principal chiefs happened to be at Amherstburg, trying to
procure a supply of arms and ammunition, which for
years had been withheld, agreeably to the instructions
received from Sir James Craig, and since repeated by
your Excellency.
Froin that moment they took a most active part, and
appeared foremost on every occasion ; they were led yesterday by Colonel Elliot and Captain M' Kee and nothing
could exceed their order and steadiness. A few prisoners
were taken by them, during the advance, whom they
treated with every humanity ; and it affords me much
pleasure in assuring your Excellency, that such was their
forbearance and attention to what was required of them,
that the enemy sustained no other loss in men than what
was occasioned by the fire of our batteries.
The high sense I entertain of the abilities and judgment
of Lieut.-Col. Myers, induced me to appoint him to the
important command at Niagara ; it was with reluctance
I deprived myself of his assistance, but had no other
expedient ; his duties, as head of the Quarter-MasterGeneral's department, were performed to my satisfaction
66
BROCK'S CAPTURE OF DETROIT
ARTICLES OF CAPITULATION
by Lieut.-Col. Nichol,' Quarter-Master-General of the
Militia.
Captain Glegg, my Aid-de-Camp will have the honor
of delivering this despatch to your Excellency ; he is
charged with the colors taken at the capture of Fort
Detroit, and those of the 4th United States regiment.
Captain Glegg is capable of giving your Excellency
every information respecting the state of this province,
and I shall esteem myself highly indebted to your Excellency to afford him that protection, to which his merit
and length of service give him a powerful claim.
I have the honor to be, with every consideration, &c.,
ISAAC BROCK, Maj.-Gen.
His Excellency,
Lt.-Gen'l. Sir G. Prevost, Bart., Etc.
,
P. S. I have the honor to enclose a copy of a proclamation, which I have issued immediately on taking possession of this country.
I should have mentioned, in the body of my despatch,
the capture of the Adams ; she is a fine vessel, and recently repaired, but without arms.
ILieutenant-Colonel Robert Nichol, of the 2nd Regiment of Norfolk Militia, was appointed Quartermaster General of Militia at
the beginning of the war, and performed the arduous and important duties of that office to the entire satisfaction of the commanding officers. In his young days he worked as clerk for Colonel
John Askin, of Detroit, and after leaving this service he established a milling and mercantile business at Port Dover on Lake
Erie.
When Brock resolved to go to Detroit, Col. Nichol was entrusted
with the arrangements for moving the force by water from Long
Point to Amherstburg. This duty was so well performed that it
called forth the praises of the General. He directed the crossing
of the troops on August 16th, 1812, and after the surrender of Detroit he remained to assist Colonel Procter to establish means
of defence. He was present at Fort Erie, Nov. 28th, 1812; and at
the battle of Fort George, May 27th, 1813, his horse was killed
under him while acting as Aid to Colonel Myers. But the greatest
service that Colonel Nichol did for his country during the war was
to induce Colonel Bisshopp and afterwards Major-General Vincent
to disobey the orders of Sir George Prevost to abandon western Canada. On every important question he was consulted by
the officers in command, and his reports, such as on the possibility
of building a new fleet on Lake Erie and on the state of affairs on
the Detroit frontier—show a thorough knowledge of military
matters. He sacrificed a great deal during the war. On May
15th, 1814, his houses, barns, mills and distillery were destroyed
,
67
Camp at Detroit, 16th Aug., 1812 .
F Capitulation for the surrender of Fort Detroit, entered
into between Major-General Brock, commanding his
Britannic Majesty's forces, on the one part, and Brigadier
General Hull, commanding the North-Western army of
the United States, on the other part.
1st. Fort Detroit, with all the troops, regulars
as well as militia, will be immediately surrendered to the
British forces under the command of Major-General Brock,
and will be considered prisoners of war, with the exception of such of the militia of the Michigan territory,
who have not joined the army.
2d. All public stores, arms, and all public documents, including every thing else of a public nature, will
be immediately given up.
3d. Private persons, and property of every description will be respected.
4th. His Excellency, Brigadier-General Hull, having
expressed a desire that a detachment from the
State of Ohio, on its way to join his army, as well as one
sent from Fort Detroit, under the command of Colonel
M' Arthur, should be included in the above capitulation, it
is accordingly agreed to. It is, however, to be understood,
that such part of the Ohio Militia as have not joined the
army, will be permitted to return to their homes, on condition that they will not serve during the war; their arms
will be delivered up if belonging to the public.
5th. The Garrison will march out at the hour of
12
by a marauding party under Colonel Campbell. Notwithstanding
his valuable services and losses, his pay and allowances were struck
off at the peace. In 1817 he memorialized Earl Bathurst to present his case to the Prince Regent for relief, but I am not aware
that he received any compensation for his losses. He received the
gold medal for Detroit. On three occasions he was honored by
being elected member of the Legislative Assembly for the County
of Norfolk-in 1813, 1817 and in 1820. His death was caused by falling over the precipitous bank of the Niagara river between Niagara
Falls and Queenston one stormy night at the beginning of May,
1824, his funeral to Stamford cemetery taking place on the 6th.
He was married to Theresa Wright on December 21st, 1811. I
have not seen any record of the place or date of his birth, or that
any of his descendants are living at the present time.
68
BROCK'S CAPTURE O1 DETROIT
o' clock this day, and the British forces will take immediate
possession of the Fort.
J. MACDONELL, Lieut.-Col. militia, P. A.D.0 . ,
J. B. GLEGG, Major, A.D.C.,
JAMES MILLER, Lieut.-Col. 5th U. S. Infantry,
E. BRUSH,' Col. corn' g 1st regt. of Michigan Militia,
Approved,
W. HULL, B. Gen'l. Com'g the N. W. Army,
Approved,
ISAAC BROCK, Major-General.
An article supplemental to the articles of Capitulation,
concluded at Detroit, the 16th of August, 1812.
It is agreed that the Officers and soldiers of the Ohio
Militia and Volunteers shall be permitted to proceed to
their respective homes, on this condition, that they are
not to serve during the present war, unless they are exchanged.
W. HULL, B. Gen'l. Com'g N. W. Army, U.S.
ISAAC BROCK, Major-General.
An article in addition to the supplemental article of the
capitulation•, concluded at Detroit, the 16th of August,
A.D. 1812.
It is further agreed that the officers and soldiers of the
Michigan Militia and Volunteers, under the command of
Major Wetherell, shall be placed on the same principles
as the Ohio militia and volunteers are placed by the supplemental article of the 16th instant.
W. HULL, B. Gen'l. Com'g N. W. Army, U. S.
ISAAC BROCK, Major-General.
Return of the Ordnance taken in the fort and batteries
at Detroit, August 16th, 1812.
Iron Ordnance—nine 24 pounders, eight 12 pounders,
five 9 pounders. Brass Ordnance—three 6 pounders, two
=Colonel Elijah Brush who signed the capitulation was Attorney-General of the North-West Territory, as well as commander of
the 1st Regiment of Michigan Militia. In 1802 he married Adelaide Barthe Askin, daughter of Col. John Askin, and was consequently uncle of Major Richardson. Colonel Brush was granted
special privileges after the capture of Detroit on the intercession of
his Canadian relatives, and, when the fortunes of war inclined to
his country after the defeat of Captain Barclay, he had an opportunity to repay this kindness. His letter to Colonel Askin given
in the appendix shows how he interceded with Captain Perry for
Doctor Richardson.
BROCK'S PROCLAMATION
69
4 pounders, one 3 pounder, one 8 inch howitzer, one 3 A
inch ditto.
Total of Ordnance' taken-33.
FELIX TROUGHTON, Lieut. Com . Royal Artillery.
Proclamation by Isaac Brock, Esquire, Major-General
commanding His Britannic Majesty's Forces in the Province
of Upper Canada, &c.
Whereas the territory of Michigan was this day, by
Capitulation, ceded to the Arms of His Britannic Majesty,
without any other condition than the protection of private
property, and wishing to give an early proof of the
moderation and justice of the Government, I do
hereby announce to all the inhabitants of the said Territory, that the laws heretofore in existence shall continue
in force until His Majesty's pleasure be known, or so long
as the peace and safety of the said Territory will admit
thereof ; and I do hereby also declare and make known
to the said inhabitants, that they shall be protected in the
full exercise of their religion, of which all persons
oth civil and military will take notice, and govern
themselves accordingly.
All persons having in their possession, or having any
knowledge of, any public property, shall forthwith deliver
in the same, or give notice thereof to the officer commanding, or Lieut.-Col. Nichol, who are hereby duly authorised to receive and give proper receipts for the same.
Officers of Militia will be held responsible, that all arms
in possession of militia-men be immediately delivered up,
and all individuals whatever who have in their possession
arms of any kind, will deliver them up without delay.
Given under my hand at Detroit, this 16th day of
August, 1812, and in the52d year of His Majesty's reign.
ISAAC BROCK, Major-General.
'There is a mistake in this copy of the return of the ordnance.
The following is made up from the copy in the Canadian Archives.
Iron Ordnance—Nine 24 pounders, nine 12 pounders, five 9
pounders, four 6 pounders, one 3 9-10 inch howitzer.
Brass Ordnance—Three 6 pounders, two 4 pounders, one 3
pounder, one 8 inch howitzer, one 51 inch howitzer, three 2 9-10
inch howitzers.
Total, 39.
The 5 inch howitzer was surrendered at Saratoga by Burgoyne.
The 3 pounder was surrendered by Cornwallis at Yorktown.
Four of the 12 pounders were on board the Detroit in the harbor
of Fort Erie when it was recaptured by the Americans under Lieut.
Jesse D. Elliot and destroyed on the morning of Oct. 9th, 1812.
70
BROCK'S CAPTURE OP DETROIT
Explanatory as are the above documents, in relation to
the important capitulation of Detroit ; and indicative as
they are of the high aspirings of him to whose firmness
and decision its fall is alone attributable, the account
would be incomplete, were mention not here made of the
causes stated to hate led to the surrender of so strong a
position, by the American Commander. Every particular
relating, not merely to the conquest of Detroit—the first
and leading feat performed during the war—but to the
Hero, its conqueror, cannot be viewed as being given in
any spirit of prolixity. I shall therefore proceed to give,
first General Hull's letter of exculpation, addressed to the
American Secretary at War ; and secondly a somewhat
lengthy document from Colonel Cass, (now the United
States Minister at Paris,) highly condemnatory of the
conduct of his Chief.
From Brigadier-General Hull to the American Secretary
at War.
Fort George, August 26th, 1812.
Sir, —Enclosed are the articles of capitulation, by which
the fort of Detroit has been surrendered to Major-General
Brock commanding His Britannic Majesty's forces in
Upper Canada, and by which the troops have become
prisoners of War. My situation, at present, forbids me
from detailing the full and particular causes which have
led to this unfortunate event. I will, however, generally
observe that after the surrender of Michilimackinac,
almost every tribe and nation of Indians, excepting a part
of the Miamis and Delawares, north from beyond Lake
Superior, west from beyond the Mississippi, south from
the Ohio and Wabash, and east from every part of Upper
Canada, and from all the intermediate country, joined in
open hostility, under the British standard, against the
army I commanded, contrary to the most solemn assurances of a large portion of them to remain neutral : even
the Ottawa chiefs from L'Arbre Croche, who formed the
delegation to Washington the last summer, in whose friendship I know you had great confidence, are among the
hostile tribes, and several of them distinguished leaders.
Among the vast number of chiefs who led the hostile
bands, Tecumseh, Marpot, Logan, Walk-in-the-water,
HULL'S DESPATCH
71
Split-log,i &c.; are considered the principals. This numerous assemblage of savages, under the entire influence
and direction of the British commander, enabled him
totally to obstruct the only communication which I had
with my country. This communication had been opened
from the settlements in the state of Ohio, 200 miles
through a wilderness, by the fatigues of the army, which
I had marched to the frontier on the river Detroit. The
body of the lake being commanded by the British armed
ships, and the shores and rivers by gun-boats, the army
was totally deprived of all communication by water. On
this extensive road it depended for transportation of provisions, military stores, medicine, clothing, and every
other supply, on pack-horses—all its operations were
successful until its arrival at Detroit, and in a few days
it passed into the enemy's country, and all opposition
seemed to drop before it. One month it remained in possession of this country, and was fed from its resources.
In different directions, detachments penetrated 6o miles
in the settled part of the Province and the inhabitants
seemed satisfied with the change of situation which appeared to be taking place. The militia from Amherstburg
were daily deserting, and the whole country, then under
the control of the army, was asking for protection.—The
Indians generally, in the first instance, had certainly appeared to be neutralized, and determined to take no part
in the contest. The fort of Amherstburg was 18 miles
below my encampment. Not a single cannon or mortar
was on wheels suitable to carry before this place. I consulted my officers whether it was expedient to make an
attempt on it with the bayonet alone, without cannon to
make a break in the first instance. The council I called
was of the opinion it was not. The greatest industry was
exerted in making preparation, and it was not until the
7th of August that two 24 pounders, and three howitzers,
were prepared. It was then my intention to have proceeded on the enterprise. While the operations of the
army were delayed by these preparations, the clouds of
adversity had been for some time, and seemed still thickly
to be gathering around me. The surrender of Michilimackinac opened the northern hive of Indians, and they
=The Huron chief Split log and Chief Blackbird who were
British allies in 1812 and 1813, went over to the Americans in 1814.
Drummond's letter to Prevost, Kingston, May 31st, 1814.
72
BROCK'S CAPTURE OF DETROIT
were swarming down in every direction. Reinforcements
from Niagara had arrived at Amherstburg, under the
command of Col. Procter. The desertion of the militia
ceased. Besides the reinforcements that came by water,
I received information of a very considerable force under
the command of Major Chambers,on the river Le Trench,.
with four field pieces ; and collecting the militia on his
route, evidently destined for Amherstburg. And, in
addition to this combination and increase of force, contrary to all my expectations, the Wyandots, Chippewas,
Ottawas, Pottawatamies, Munsees, Delawares, &c, with
whom I had the most friendly intercourse, at once passed
over to Amherstburg, and accepted the tomahawk and
scalping knife. There being now a vast number of Indians at the British post, they were sent to the river
Huron, Brownstown, and Maguaga to intercept my communication. To open this communication, I detached
Major Van Horn of the Ohio volunteers, with zoo men, to
proceed as far as the river Raisin, under an expectation
he would meet Captain Brush, with 15o men, volunteers
from the State of Ohio, and a quantity of provisions for
the army. An ambuscade was formed at Brownstown,
and Major Van Horn's detachment was defeated, and returned to camp, without effecting the object of the
expedition.
In my letter of the 7th instant, you have the particulars
of that transaction with a return of the killed and
wounded. Under this sudden and unexpected change of
things, and having received an express from General
Hall, commanding opposite the British shore on the
Niagara river, by which it appeared that there was no
prospect of any co-operation from that quarter, and the
two Senior Officers of the artillery having stated to me an
opinion that it would be extremely difficult, if not impossible, to pass the Turkey-river, and river Aux Canard,
with the 24 pounders, and that they could not be transported
by water as the Queen Charlotte, which carried eighteen 24
pounders lay in the river Detroit above the mouth of the
river Aux Canard; and as it appeared indispensably
necessary to open the communication to the river Raisin
and the Miami, I found myself compelled to suspend the
operation against Amherstburg, and concentrate the
main force of the army at Detroit. Fully intending at
that time, after the communication was opened, to reI Now called Thames.
HULL'S DESPATCH
73
cross the river, and pursue the object at Amherstburg,
and strongly desirous of continuing protection to a very
large number of the Inhabitants of Upper Canada, who had
voluntarily accepted it under my proclamation, I established a fortress on the banks of the river a little below
Detroit, calculated for a garrison of 30o men. On the
evening of the 7th, and morning of the 8th instant, the
army, excepting the garrison of 200 infantry, and a corps
of artillerists, all under the command of Major Denny of the
Ohio volunteers, re-crossed the river and encamped at Detroit. In pursuance of the object of opening the communication, on which I considered the existence of the
army depending, a detachment of 600 men, under the
command of Lieut.-Col. Miller, was immediately ordered.
For a particular account of the proceedings of this detachment, and the memorable battle which was fought at
Maguaga, which reflects the highest honor on the American arms, I xefer you to my letter of the 13th August
instant, a duplicate of which is enclosed, marked G.
Nothing, however, but honor was acquired by this
victory ; and, it is a painful consideration, that the blood
of 75 gallant men could only open the communication as
far as the points of their bayonets extended. The necessary care of the sick and wounded, and a very severe
storm of rain, rendered their return to camp indispensably
necessary for their own comfort. Captain Brush with
his small detachment, and the provisions being still at the
river Raisin, in a situation to be destroyed by the savages,
on the 13th instant, in the evening, I permitted Colonels
M' Arthur and Cass to select from their regiments 400 of
their most effective men, and proceed by an upper route
through the woods, which I had sent an express to Captain Brush to take, and had directed the militia of the
river Raisin to accompany him as a reinforcement. The
force of the enemy continually increasing, and the
necessity of opening the communication, and acting on the
defensive, becoming more apparent, I had previous to detaching Colonels M' Arthur and Cass on the 11th instant
evacuated and destroyed the fort on the opposite bank.
On the 13th, in the evening, General Brock arrived at
Amherstburg, about the hour Colonels M' Arthur and Cass
marched, of which at that time I had received no information. On the 15th I received a summons from him to
surrender Fort Detroit of which the paper marked A. is a
74
BROCK'S CAPTURE OF DETROIT
copy. My answer is marked B. At this time I had received
no information from Colonels M' Arthur and Cass. An
express was immediately sent, strongly escorted, with
orders for them to return. On the 15th as soon as General
Brock received my letter his batteries opened on the town
and fort, and continued until evening. In the evening, all the
British ships of war came nearly as far up the river as
Sandwich, three miles below Detroit. At daylight, on
the 16th (at which time I had received no information
from Colonels M'Arthur and Cass, my expresses, sent
the evening before, and in the night, having been prevented from passing by numerous bodies of Indians)
the cannonade re-commenced, and in a short time I received information, that the British Army, and Indians,
were landing below the Spring-Wells, under the cover of
their ships of war.
At this time the whole effective force at my disposal at
Detroit did not exceed Boo men. Being new troops, and
unaccustomed to camp life ; having performed a laborious
march ; having been engaged in a number of battles and
skirmishes, in which many had fallen, and more had received wounds, in addition to which a large number being
sick, and unprovided with medicine, and the comforts
necessary for their situation, were the general causes by
which the strength of the army was thus reduced. The fort
at this time was filled with women, children, and the old
and decrepit people of the town, and country ; they were
unsafe in the town, as it was entirely open and
exposed to the enemy's batteries. Back of the fort
above or below it, there was no safety for them on
account of the Indians. In the first instance, the enemy's
fire was principally directed against our batteries, towards
the close it was directed against the fort alone, and
almost every shot and shell had their effect.
It now became necessary either to fight the enemy in
the field ; collect the whole force in the fort ; or propose
terms of capitulation. I could not have carried into the
field more than 600 men, and left an adequate force in
the fort. There were landed at that time of the enemy a
regular force of much more than that number, and twice
the number of Indians. Considering this great inequality
of force, I did not think it expedient to adopt the first
measure ; the second must have been attended with a
great sacrifice of blood, and no possible advantage, be-
HULL'S DESPATCH
75
cause the contest could not have been sustained more
than a day for want of powder, and but a very few days for
the want of provisions. In addition to this, Colonels
M' Arthur and Cass would have been in a most hazardous
situation. I feared nothing but the last alternative—I
have dared to adopt it—I well know the high responsibility of the measure, and I take the whole of it on myself
—it was dictated by a sense of duty, and a full conviction
of its expediency. The bands of savages which had then
joined the British force, were numerous beyond any former example. Their numbers have since increased, and
the history of the barbarians of the north of Europe does
not furnish examples of more greedy violence than these
savages have exhibited. A large portion of the brave
and gallant officers andmen I commanded wouldcheerfully
have contested until the last cartridge had been expended,
and the bayonets worn to the sockets—I could not consent to the useless sacrifice of such brave men, when I
knew it was impossible for me to sustain my situation.
It was impossible, in the nature of things that an army
could have been furnished with the necessary supplies of
provisions, military stores, clothing and comforts for the
sick, on pack-horses through a wilderness of zoo miles,
filled with hostile savages. It was impossible, sir, that
this little army, worn down by fatigue, by sickness, by
wounds, and deaths, could have supported itself not only
against the collected force of all the Northern Nations of
Indians ; but against the united strength of Upper
Canada, whose population consists of more than 20 times
the number contained in the territory of Michigan, aided
by the principal part of the regular forces of the province,
and the wealth and influence of the North-West and other
trading establishments among the Indians, which have
in their employment and under their control more than
2,000 white men. Before I close this despatch, it is a
duty I owe my respectable associates in command, Colonels M'Arthur, Findlay, Cass, and Lieutenant-Colonel
Miller to express my obligations to them for the prompt
and judicious manner they have performed their respective duties. If aught has taken place during the campaign, which is honorable to the army, these Officers are
entitled to a large share of it. If the last act should be
disapproved, no part of the censure belongs to them. I
have likewise to express my obligation to General Taylor,
-
LETTER OF COLONEL CASS
76
BROCK'S CAPTURE OF DETROIT
who has performed the duty of quarter-master-general,
for his great exertions in procuring every thing in his
departMent, which it was possible to furnish, for the
convenience of the army ; likewise to brigade Major
Jessup, for the correct and punctual manner in which he
has discharged his duty ; and to the army generally for
their exertion and the zeal they have manifested for the
public interest. The death of Dr. Foster soon after he
arrived at Detroit, was a severe misfortune to the army ;
it was increased by the capture of the Chachago packet,
by which the medicine and hospital stores were lost.
He was commencing the best arrangements in the department of which he was the principal, with the very small
means he possessed. I was likewise deprived of the
necessary services of Captain Partridge by sickness, the
only officer of the corps of engineers attached to the
army. All the officers and men have gone to their
respective homes, excepting the 4th United States regiment, and a small part of the ist and Captain Dyson's
company of Artillery. Captain Dyson's company was left
at Amherstburg, and the others are with me prisoners ;
they amount to about 34o. I have only to solicit an investigation of my conduct, as early as my situation and the state
of things will admit ; and to add the further request that
the government will not be unmindful of my associates
in captivity, and of the families of those brave men who
have fallen in the contest.
I have the honor to be very respectfully,
Your Most obedient Servant,
W. HULL, Brig. Gen. Commanding
N. W. -Army, U. S.
Hon. W. Eustis, Secretary
of the Department of War.
Letter of Col. Cass, of the army late under the command of Brig.-General Wm. Hull to the Secretary of
War.
Washington, Sept. Loth, 1812.
been
ordered
on to this place by Col.
Having
SIR,—
M' Arthur, for the purpose of communicating to the
government such particulars respecting the expedition
lately commanded by Brig.-Gen. Hull, and its disastrous
result, as might enable them correctly to appreciate the
conduct of the officers and men, and to develop the
•
77
causes which produced so foul a stain upon the national
character, I have the honor to submit to your consideration the following statement.
When the forces landed in Canada, they landed with an
ardent zeal, and stimulated with the hope of conquest.
No enemy appeared within view of us, and had an immediate and vigorous attack been made upon Malden, it
would doubtless have fallen an easy victory. I knew
Gen. Hull, afterwards declared he regretted this attack
had not been made, and he had every reason to believe
success would have crowned his efforts. The reasons
given for delaying operations, was to mount our heavy
cannon and to afford to the Canadian militia, time and
opportunity to quit an obnoxious service. In the course
of two weeks, the number of their militia who were
embodied had decreased by desertion from six hundred
to one hundred men, and in the course of three weeks,
the cannon were mounted, the ammunition, and every
preparation made for an immediate investment of the fort.
At a council, at which were present all the field officers,
and which was held two days before our preparations
were completed, it was unanimously agreed to make an
i mmediate attempt to accomplish the object of this
expedition. If by waiting two days, we could have the
service of our heavy artillery, it was agreed to wait ; if
not it was determined to go without it, and to attempt
the place by storm. This opinion appeared to correspond
with the views of the General, and the day was appointed
for commencing our march. He declared to me, that he
considered himself pledged to lead the army to Malden.
The ammunition was placed in the wagons ; the cannon
were embarked on board the floating batteries, and every
article was prepared. The spirit and zeal, the order and
animation displayed by the officers and men, on learning
the near accomplishment of their wishes, were a severe
and sacred pledge, that in the hour of trial, they would
not be found wanting in duty to their country and
themselves. But a change of measures, in opposition to
the wishes and opinions of all the officers, was adopted
by the General. The plan of attacking Malden was
abandoned, and instead of acting offensively, we broke
up our camp, evacuated Canada, and re-crossed the river in
the night, without even the shadow of an enemy to injure
us. We left to the tender mercy of the enemy, the
-
78
BROCK'S CAPTURE OF DETROIT
miserable Canadians who had joined us, and the protection we afforded them was but a passport to vengeance.
This fatal and unaccountable step dispirited the troops,
and destroyed the little confidence which a series of
timid, irresolute, and indecisive measures had left in the
commanding officer.
About the loth of August, the enemy received a reinforcement of 40o men. On the 12th, the commanding
officers of three of the regiments (the fourth was absent)
were informed through a medium which admitted of no
doubt, that the General had said, that a capitulation
would be necessary. They on the same day addressed to
Gov. Meigs, of Ohio, a letter of which the following is
an extract.
" Believe all the bearer will tell you. Believe it, however it may astonish you, as much as if told by one of us.
Even a c is talked of by the . The bearer
will fill the vacancy."
The doubtful fate of this letter rendered it necessary to
use circumspection in its details, and therefore these
blanks were left. The word " capitulation " will fill the
first and " commanding general " the other. As no
enemy was near us, and as the superiority of our force
was manifest, we could see no necessity for capitulating,
nor any propriety in alluding to it. We therefore determined in the last resort to incur the responsibility of
divesting the General of his command . This plan was
eventually prevented by two of the commanding officers
of regiments being ordered upon detachments.
On the 13th, the British took a position opposite
Detroit, and began to throw up works. During that and
the two following days, they pursued their object without
interruption and established a battery of two 18 pounders,
and an 8 inch howitzer. About sunset on the evening of
the i4th, a detachment of 35o men from the regiments
commanded by Col. M' Arthur and myself, was ordered
to march to the river Raisin, to escort the provisions,
which had some time remained there, protected by a party
under the command of Capt. Brush.
On Saturday the 15th, about one o'clock, a flag of
truce arrived from Sandwich, bearing a summons from
General Brock, for the surrender of the town and fort of
Detroit, stating he could no longer restrain the fury
of the savages. To this an immediate and spirited refusal
-
LETTER OF COLONEL, CASS
79
was returned. About 4 o'clock their batteries began to
play upon the town. The fire was returned and continued
without interruption and with little effect until dark.
Their shells were thrown until I I o'clock.
At daylight the firing on both sides recommenced ;
about the same time the enemy began to land troops at
the Spring-Wells, three miles below Detroit, protected by
two of their armed vessels.
Between 6 and 7 o'clock, they had effected their landing and immediately took up their line of march. They
moved in a close column of platoons, twelve in front,
upon the bank of the river.
The fourth regiment was stationed in the fort ; the
Ohio volunteers and a part of the Michigan militia,
behind some pickets, in a situation in which the whole
flank of the enemy would have been exposed. The
residue of the Michigan militia were in the upper part of
the town to resist the incursions of the savages. Two 24
pounders loaded with grape shot, were posted upon a
commanding eminence, ready to sweep the advancing
column. In this situation, the superiority of our position
was apparent, and our troops in the eager expectation of
victory, awaited the approach of the enemy. Not a
sigh of discontent bfoke upon the ear ; not a look of
cowardice met the eye. Every man expected a proud
day for his country, and each was anxious that his individual exertion should contribute to the general result.
When the head of their column arrived within about 500
yards of our line, orders were received from Gen. Hull
for the whole to retreat to the fort, and for the 24
pounders not to open upon the enemy. One universal
burst of indignation was apparent upon the receipt of
this order. Those whose conviction was the deliberate
result of a dispassionate examination of passing events,
saw the folly and impropriety of crowding 1, 10o men into
a little work, which 30o men could fully man, and into
which the shot and shells of the enemy were falling.
The fort was in this manner filled ; the men were directed
to stack their arms, and scarcely was an opportunity
afforded of moving. Shortly after, a white flag was
hung out upon the walls. A British officer rode up to
inquire the cause. A communication passed between the
commanding Generals, which ended in the capitulation
submitted to you. In entering into this capitulation,
8o
BROCK'S CAPTURE OF DETROIT
the General took counsel from his own feelings only.
Not an officer was consulted. Not one anticipated a
surrender, till he saw the white flag displayed. Even the
women were indignant at so shameful a degradation of
the American character, and all felt as they should have
felt, but he who held in his hands the reins of authority.
Our morning report had that morning made out effective men present fit for duty I,o6o, without including the
detachment before alluded to, and without including 300
of the Michigan militia on duty. About dark on Sunday evening, the detachment sent to escort the provisions,
received orders from General Hull, to return with as
much expedition as possible. About To o'clock the next
day, they arrived in sight of Detroit. Had a firing been
heard, or any resistance visible, they would have immediately advanced and attacked the rear of the enemy.
The situation in which this detachment was placed,
although the result of accident, was the best for
annoying the enemy and cutting off his retreat, that
could have been selected. With his raw troops enclosed
between two fires, and no hopes of succour, it is hazarding
little to say, that very few would have escaped.
I have been informed by Col. Findlay, who saw the
return of their Quarter-Master-General, the day after the
surrender, that their whole force of every description
white, red and black was 1,030. They had 29 platoons,
I2 in a platoon, of men dressed in uniform. Many of
these were evidently Canadian Militia. The rest of their
militia increased their white force to about 70o men.
The number of their Indians could not be ascertained
with any degree of precision ; not many were visible.
And in the event of an attack upon the town and fort, it
was a species of force which could have afforded no
material advantage to the enemy.
In endeavoring to appreciate the motives, and to investigate the causes which led to an event so unexpected and
dishonorable, it is impossible to find any solution in the
relative strength of the contending parties, or in the
measures of resistance in our power. That we were far
superior to the enemy ; that upon any ordinary principles
of calculation, we could have defeated them, the wounded
and indignant feelings of every man there will testify.
A few days before the surrender, I was informed by
Gen. Hull, we had 40o rounds of 24 pound shot fixed and
GENERAL LEWIS CASS.
I
LETTER OF COLONEL CASS
81
about too,000 cartridges made. We surrendered with
the fort, 4o barrels of powder and 2,500 stand of arms.
The state of our provisions has not been generally
understood. On the day of the surrender we had 15
days' provisions of every kind on hand. Of meat there
was plenty in the country, and arrangements had been
made for purchasing and grinding the flour. It was
calculated we could readily procure three month's provisions, independent of 15o barrels of flour, 1,300 head of
cattle which had been forwarded from the State of Ohio,
and which remained at the river Raisin under Captain
Brush, within reach of the army.
But had we been totally destitute of provisions, our
duty and our interest undoubtedly was to fight. The
enemy invited us to meet him in the field.
By defeating him, the whole country would have been
clpen to us, and the object of our expedition gloriously
and successfully obtained. If we had been defeated we
had nothing to do but to retreat to the fort, and make the
best defence which circumstances and our situation rendered practicable. But basely to surrender without firing a
gun—tamely to submit without raising a bayonet—disgracefully to pass in review before an enemy as inferior in
the quality as in the number of his forces, were
circumstances, which excited feelings of indignation more
easily felt than described. To see the whole of our men
flushed with the hope of victory, eagerly awaiting the
approaching contest, to see them afterwards dispirited,
hopeless, and desponding, at least Soo shedding tears because they were not allowed to meet their country's foe
and to fight their country's battles, excited sensations
which no American has ever before had cause to feel,
and which, I trust in God, will never again be felt while
one man remains to defend the standard of the union.
I am expressly authorized to state, that Col. M' Arthur,
Col. Finlay and Lieut.-Col. Miller, viewed this transaction in the light which I do. They know and feel, that
no circumstance in our situation—none in that of the
enemy, can excuse a Capitulation so dishonorable and
unjustifiable. This too is the universal sentiment among
the troops : and I shall be surprised to learn, that there
is one man, who thinks it was necessary to sheath his
sword, or lay down his musket.
I was informed by General Hull, the morning after the
82 BROCK'S CAPTURE OF DETROIT
Capitulation, that the British forces consisted of 1,800
regulars and that he surrendered to prevent the effusion
of human blood. That he magnified their regular force
nearly five-fold, there can be no doubt. Whether the
philanthropic reason assigned by him is a sufficient justification for surrendering a fortified town, an army and a
territory, is for the government to determine.
Confident I am, that had the courage and conduct of
the General been equal to the spirit and zeal of the
troops,the event would have been as brilliant and successful, as it now is disastrous and dishonorable.
Very respectfully, Sir, I have the honor to be, your
most obedient Servant,
Lewis Cass, Col. 3rd Regt. Ohio volunteers.
The Hon. Wm. Eustis,
Secretary of War.
Although it does not come strictly within the object of
this narrative to comment upon the statements of the
enemy, it should not be concealed that the apprehension,
entertained by General Hull, of the increased danger to
his troops, and to the comparatively defenceless town of
Detroit, arising from the expected arrival of reinforcements of Indians from the West, was in a great degree
well founded, and it was well known at the time, (although a sentiment of shame at the yielding up of a post
of such strength as Detroit, has since repudiated the
measure,) that this was a sentiment by no means confined
to General Hull. Mr. Robert Dickson, a gentleman to
whom long intercourse with the Indians had imparted a
knowledge of their character, and influence over their
minds, which proved highly beneficial to the British
cause, was then actively engaged in collecting some of
the most warlike tribes ; while the present Colonel Askin
of London, at that time in the Indian Department, was
already within a few days' journey of Detroit, with a body
of 2 70 Indian Warriors, under their Chief Big-gun. This
little detachment had set out expressly for the relief of
Amherstburg, and, on its passage down in birch canoes,
encountered much peril and difficulty, having had to
REVIEW OF HULL'S DESPATCH AND CASS' LETTER 83
cross Saginaw Bay, nearly fifty miles in extent, and for
many hours, in their frail barks, even out of sight of the
land. Such was the celerity of their movements, that
they reached Amherstburg in the remarkably short period
of six days from their departure from Michilimackinac,
and about the same lapse of time from the surrender of
Detroit. Thus it will appear, that General Hull was
only wrong in as far as related to the actual position of
the Indian reinforcements, on their way from the far
West. Whether, however, this was an excuse for the
abandonment of his strong post, without an effort in its
defence, is a point of discussion which this narrative does
not profess to entertain. Notwithstanding there are two
strong features of dissimilarity between the letters of
General Hull and Colonel Cass, to which it is impossible
not to refer—namely the eagerness of the one to diminish
his own force, and increase that of his adversary—and
the not less evident desire of the other to show that, not
only in the quantity, but the quality of his troops—in resources, and in means of defence of all kinds, the American General had decidedly the advantage. In truth,
without absolutely adopting the opinion of Col. Cass, as
expressed in regard to the inferiority of the British
troops engaged on this occasion, the question which suggests itself on reading General Hull's Official declaration,
that he had not more than Boo men on the day when
General Brock appeared before Detroit naturally is—
where were the 2,300 men who had been marched, little
more than a month previously, through the State of
Michigan, and the sound of whose drums, heard from
Brownstown, as they passed through that village, was the
first intimation the little garrison of Amherstburg had
of the proximity of so formidable a force ? True,
400 men had been detached under Colonel Cass, (those,
as it has been seen, were included in the capitulation)
but where were the remainder ? Not one hundred suffered at Maguaga. Certainly not fifty during the whole
84 BROCK'S CAPTURE OP DETROIT
HOW BROCK SAVED CANADA
of the skirmishing at the Canard ; nor had the defeat of
Major Van Home cost the Americans more than five and
twenty men—in all, at the very utmost, zoo. Here then
was a decrease of 600 men, leaving under the immediate
orders of the American General, 1,70o men ,exclusive of
the troops composing the garrison of Detroit' on his arrival, and the Michigan militia. General Hull alludes
to his crowded hospitals. Did these contain, or had he
on his sick list, 90o men ? Impossible. These strictures
are necessary, because the gallant 41st and the equally
gallant and patriotic volunteers who followed General
Brock to the theatre of action, cannot submit to be deprived of the glory which was theirs, under their dis'In 1694 Antoine de la Motte Cadillac, an enthusiastic young
French officer, was rewarded by Frontenac, the Governor of New
France, for his services in Acadia by being appointed to the command of Michilimackinac. He had passed through the Detroit
river, and his quick eye saw its advantages as a site for a new post
to command the trade of the west. When on a visit to France
after his five years of command at Michilimackinac he represented
to Count Pontchartrain, the Colonial Minister, the importance of
building a new post on the Detroit. He was successful in his representations, and was given a grant of fifteen acres square of land
anywhere on the Detroit and the commission of Commandant. In
1701 he built a stockade fort containing about three acres, with
log blockhouses at the corners, and named it Fort Pontchartrain
after his patron. Three years afterwards the Indians made an unsuccessful attempt to burn it. In Nov., 1760, Major Robert Rogers
received its surrender to Great Britain. Pontiac besieged it in
1763, and after nearly fifteen months of weary but stubborn resistance the British were relieved. The story of this siege is told in
the novel of " Wacousta " by Major Richardson. In the Fall of
1778 a new fort was laid out some distance farther from the river
than the old stockade fort by Captain Henry Bird, and named
Fort Lernoult after Major Lernoult of the 8th (King's) Regiment,
the officer in command there. It was evacuated by the British in
1796, and the guns and garrison transferred to Fort Amherstburg,
a new fort in the township of Malden on the Canadian side of the
river, eighteen miles farther south. From its evacuation in 1796,
until Procter's retreat in 1813, it appears to have been referred to
simply as Fort Detroit, a name by which it was known when captured by Brock on August 16th, 1812. In the Canadian Archives
a plan of this Fort is given as repaired in 1812, and it is called
" Fort L'Arnaud," evidently an attempt to revive the original
name by someone who knew the sound but not the correct orthography of Fort Lernoult. When taken possession of by Gen.
Harrison it was called Fort Shelby in honor of the governor of
85
tinguished leader, on the occasion of the capture of De. troit. They believed, and with every reason (for they
knew not of the departure of Col. Cass, for the River
Raisin) that they were marching to the conquest of a
post which was defended by at least two thousand men—
and they have an undeniable right to impugn a statement
which, incorrectly and for a sinister purpose, reduces that
force, on paper, by two-thirds of the amount. Honor to
whom honor is due.
In the capture of Detroit, General Brock has been termed
the saviour of Canada, and most deservedly so. Had
he not struck the blow he did, and at the time he did, at
the American power in the West, Upper Canada—nay
both the Canadas must have been yielded to the triumphant arms of the United States. At this period the whole
force of the Province consisted of four Regiments of the
Kentucky, who accompanied Harrison in his victorious campaign.
In 1826 it was given to the city of Detroit, and in the Spring of
1827, the embankments were taken away, the ground levelled and
streets continued over its site.
Major James Dalliba, at the trial of Gen. Hull, gave the following description of the Fort at the time of its surrender in 1812.
" The fort lies on the highest ground in a circumference of
three miles, was a regular half bastion fort, composed of 4 curtains
and 4 half bastions, about 100 yards on each face, not including
the half bastions ; about 75 yards being the extreme length of the
curtain—that the fort was made partly of earth—the parapet
eleven feet in elevation—the thickness of the top of the parapet
about 12 feet, the banquet for Infantry six feet from the foundation or level of the fort, and five feet from the parapet—the
whole width of the rampart at its base 26 feet—at the bottom of the
exterior or slope of the parapet there was a horizontal space of
ground about 2 or 3 feet in width, extending around the whole circumference of the work, the ditch upon an average was from five
to six feet deep, and at the bottom 12 feet wide, beyond the exterior or slope of the ditch anscope, or &cis or esplanade. There
was formerly a covert way, of which traces were remaining unhurt.
In the bottom of the ditch around the fort there was a row of
pickets of cedar, nearly new, (12) in diameter and 11 or 12 feet high;
these pickets were fastened together by a rib—The gate was
strongly made of plank with spikes ; over the gate was a look out
house, also strongly built in the fall of 1811—cannon were
mounted in the embrazures, most of which were repaired and put
in good order in 1811, and the fort was, generally, in good order
and in good repair."
86
BROCK'S CAPTURE OF DETROIT
line, namely, the 8th, 4ist, 49th, and moth and, added to
these, the Canadian and Glengarry Fencibles, and a few
companies of Veterans, and of the Royal Newfoundland
Regiment. So insignificant a force could have availed
little against the hordes of American irregular troops
which would have been poured in from the west, along
the Delaware and Burlington routes, and which moving
in rear of the centre and left divisions, must necessarily
have cut off their communication with the interior of the
country, and so straitened their supplies as to have rendered them an eventual conquest. That General Hull
would have recovered from the temporary panic, which
seems to have induced his relinquishment of his position
at Sandwich there can be no manner of doubt ; but even
if he had not done so, and reduced Amherstburg, which was
of vital importance to the American interests, there were
other leaders, and other armies, already on their way to
reinforce him, and the subjugation of the Western District must, on their arrival, have been assured. What
then would have been the result ? Half of the Indians,
already bearing arms on our side, would either have seceded
from a cause which they conceived us too helpless to defend,
or have joined the American flag, while those who were
undecided which party to join, would have thrown their
influence and numbers into the opposite ranks. As General Hull has truly enough stated in his official letter,
most of the Militia of the District—particularly the French
Canadian portion of the population, were daily thinning
our ranks, by returning to their homes, and it required
but some strong and effective demonstration, on the part
of the enemy, to have left the regular troops in the West
to their own unaided exertions. Fortunately it was fated
to be otherwise. General Brock, with that keenness of
perception, and promptitude of action, which was so eminently characteristic of his brief but glorious career, at
once saw the danger, and flew to meet and avert it. He
TRANSPORTATION OF PRISONERS
87
well knew that, on the destruction or discomfiture of the
North Western Army, depended the safety of the Province committed to his charge, and the enterprise, which
he himself has termed hazardous, was perilled only after
profound reflection and conviction. He justly entertained the belief that while, on the one hand, the slightest delay and incertitude of action, would be fatal to the
interests of Great Britain inasmuch as it must have a
tendency to discourage, not only the inhabitants of the
Province, but our Indian allies, there was, on the other,
every probability that an immediate and vigorous attack,
upon an enemy, who had already lost so much time in
inactivity, and who had abandoned so many advantages,
would be crowned with success. It was a bold—an almost
dangerous measure ; but the danger of the country was
greater, and he resolved to try the issue. He succeeded;
from that hour Canada was saved.
Independently of " 400 rounds of 24 pound shot, already fixed : about too,000 cartridges made up : 40 barrels of powder : and 2,500 stand of arms," which had
been admitted by General Hull, to Colonel Cass, to have
been in the fort on the day of the surrender, there was
also a quantity of camp equipage such as tents, waggons,
entrenching tools, etc., and moreover in the harbour, a
very fine brig, the Adams? then unarmed, but hitherto
employed in the transport of stores for the use of the
garrison of Detroit. With this vessel a very gallant affair
was connected, only a few days after the capitulation.
Agreeable to the terms of this, the irregular forces of
General Hull were transported by water to Buffalo, there
to be disembarked preparatory to their return into their
. native State, Ohio, while the regular troops, principally
the 4th U.S. Infantry, were landed at Fort Erie, with a
view of being marched on, as prisoners of war, to Lower
Canada.
The armed vessels already named, as having covered
88
BROCK'S CAPTURE OF DETROIT'
our landing, on the 16th, were put in requisition for this
service, and to these were added the Adams (re-named
the Detroit) and the Caledonia, a fine merchant brig, the
property of Angus MacIntosh, Esquire, of Moy, a few
miles above Windsor. I do not recollect who was appointed to the command of the Detroit,' but the Caledonia
had her own Captain—Mr. Irvine, a young Scotchman of
a peculiarly retiring and amiable disposition and gentlemanly manners, yet endowed with great firmness and
resolution of character. These two vessels, having
reached their destination for landing the prisoners, were
then lying, wholly unprotected and unsuspicious of danger, in the harbour of (Fort) Erie when, one dark night, they
found themselves assailed by two large boats, filled with
American sailors and troops which had dropped alongside
without being perceived, until it was too late for anything like effectual resistance. The Detroit was almost
immediately carried, but the young Captain of the Caledonia, which lay a little below her, aroused from his bed
=The commander of the Detroit on this occasion was Lieutenant
Frederic Rolette, who was born in Quebec in 1783. At an early
age he enlisted in the British navy, and soon had the honor of
taking part in the two greatest naval battles ever fought, and
under the most illustrious naval officer that ever lived. At the
Battle of the Nile he received five wounds, and was present at
Trafalgar, where the combined naval power of France and Spain
was annihilated by Nelson. Soon after this he returned home,
and was appointed a second Lieutenant in the Provincial Marine
on Oct. 4th, 1807, and on April 25th, 1812, was promoted to a first
Lieutenantcy and given command of the brig Hunter on Lake
Erie. On July 1st, 1812, Gen. Hull put his sick, the officers' baggage and some supplies on board of the Cayahoga or Cayuga
Packet at the rapids of the Miami to be taken to Detroit, but on
passing up the Detroit river this vessel was captured by Lieut.
Rolette on the 3rd of July. At the battle of the river Raisin,
when the marines acted with land forces, Lieut. Rolette was
wounded on the head. Robert Reynolds, of Amherstburg, who
was Deputy Assistant-Commissary General, says Rolette's life was
saved by a thick handkerchief tied around his head for the headache. He was second officer of the Lady Prevost, one of the vessels of Captain Barclay's fleet that was defeated on Sept. 10th,
1813, by the fleet of Captain Perry. Taken prisoner on this occasion, he remained in captivity till the fall of 1814. At the close of
the war he was presented with a sword by the people of his native
city. He died at Quebec on the 17th of March, 1831.
THE DETROIT AND CALEDONIA SURPRISED 89
a
by the confusion on board his consort, prepared for a vigorous, although almost entirely personal, resistance.
Hastily arming himself, and calling on his little and inexperienced crew (scarcely exceeding a dozen men) to do
the same, he threw himself in the gangway, and discharged a loaded blunderbuss into the first advancing
boat, now dropping from the re-captured Detroit to board
the Caledonia. The enemy were staggered, but still they
pursued their object, and Mr. Irvine had barely time to
discharge a second blunderbuss into the same boat, when
he was felled to the deck by a cutlass-stroke from one of
the crew of the second party which had boarded him on
the opposite gangway. The. Caledonia was then secured
by her captors, but the Detroit, having grounded, was destroyed.
The intrepidity and self-devotion of Mr. Irvine, whose
•single arm it appeared, had killed and wounded no less
than seven of his assailants, met with that reward it so
richly merited. The heads of the *Naval Department,
anxious to secure so gallant an Officer to the service,
tendered to him on his exchange, which took place
shortly after, the commission of a Lieutenant in the Provincial Navy, in which capacity he continued to serve
.during the whole of the naval operations connected with
the Right Division. But I shall have occasion again to
refer to the gallant bearing of Mr. Irvine.
The surprise of the Detroit and Caledonia was considered by the Americans, at that time, a very brilliant feat,
and contributed in some degree to dissipate the gloom
which the surrender of General Hull and his army had
occasioned. But without in the slightest way seeking to
i mpeach the American character for bravery, it is impossible to look on the exploit in the light in which they
would have it considered. Both vessels having been
simply employed in cartel service, were without other
than the commonest means of defence peculiar to mer-
90 BROCK'S CAPTURE OF DETROIT
chantmen, while their crews were not only weak in number, but composed of a class of men—French Canadian
sailors and voyageurs—who were ill-qualified to compete
with two full boat-loads of practised and resolute
American sailors and soldiers. Moreover both vessels lay in
perfect security, and utter absence of preparation. They
did not conceive it necessary to be on the alert, because
they imagined that the present pacific character in which
they appeared, would have shielded them from all hostile
attempt. At the moment of the surprise, both vessels
had on board the prisoners with whom they had left the
fort of Detroit for the purpose of being landed at Buffalo.
However inclined to aggression, the Americans were not
justified in violating the sanctity of the flag which, of
course, continued to float as long as there were American
prisoners on board, remaining to be landed. It is true, it
must be admitted that an unusual feeling of exasperation_
had been induced by the surrender of General Hull and
his army, for when the 4th Regiment, with the other
broken corps of the American line, were marched from
Fort Erie,' where they had been landed from the Queen
Charlotte, on their route for the Lower Province, and escorted only by a portion of the detachment which had
joined us at Maguaga, they were fired upon by stragglers
from the masses of men who were seen lining the opposite
banks of the Niagara river, remarking with evident displeasure the march of the captured troops, and thus giving vent to their indignation.
An accident, at one time promising results far more
serious than any which could spring from the capture of
the vessels just named, occurred about the same period.
General Brock, anxious to assume the offensive on the
Niagara frontier, lost not a moment in returning across
the lake, ordering down at the same time, not only the
Toronto Militia, but those troops of the 41st, who
had preceded and accompanied him to Detroit. The
NARROW ESCAPE OF BROCK
91
Queen Charlotte, principally laden with the regulars of
the captured army, had sailed on the very evening of the
surrender, and General Brock the next day embarked in
a very small trading schooner, on board which were about
70 Ohio Riflemen, guarded by a small party of militia
rifles, which composed a portion of the volunteers from
Toronto. During the passage none of the guard were on
any account permitted to go below, either by day or by
night, and not more than half a dozen Americans were
allowed to be upon deck at the same time—the hatches
being secured above the remainder. It was a duty of
some fatigue, and requiring the exercise of the utmost
vigilance on the part of the little guard. One morning,
about day break, when by their reckoning they judged
they were close to the harbor of Fort Erie, they found
themselves suddenly becalmed, and in the midst of a fog
which had commenced during the night. As the sun
rose the fog began to disperse, but the calm prevailed,
and gradually, as the wreathing mists rolled upward, the
guard discovered, to their dismay, that they were close
upon the American shore near Buffalo. The danger was
imminent, for a number of persons were already assembled, evidently at a loss to discover to what flag the
vessel belonged, and wondering what had brought her
into a position entirely out of the usual course of navigation. In this emergency, the officer commanding the
watch (Lieut. Jarvis, now Superintendent of Indian
affairs) hastened below to acquaint General Brock, who
was lying on his bed, with the danger which threatened
the vessel, which it was 'impossible, by reason of the
calm, to get farther from the shore. General Brock immediately sprang to his feet, and rushing upon deck, saw
the situation of the vessel was precisely what has been
described. He was extremely angry, and turning to the
master of the schooner, said, "You scoundrel, you have
betrayed me, let but one shot be fired from the shore
and (pointing to it) I will run you up on the instant to
92 BROCK'S CAPTURE OF DETROIT
that yard-arm." The master, though innocent of all design, was greatly alarmed by the stern threat of the General, and as the only possible means of extricating the
vessel from her perilous situation, ordered several of his
crew into a small punt, attached to her stern, the only
boat belonging to her. In this they attempted to tow her,
but made so little progress that one of the guard asked permission of the General to discharge his rifle, in order to
attract the attention of the Queen Charlotte, then lying
at anchor between point Abino and Fort Erie, to a signal
which had been previously hoisted. Apprehensive that the
shot might not be heard by their friends, while it might be
the means of informing the enemy of their true character, General Brock at first refused his sanction, but as the
man seemed confident that the report of his rifle would
reach the other shore, he finally assented, and the shot
was fired. Soon afterwards the answering signal was run
up to the masthead of the Queen Charlotte, and that vessel, seeing the doubtful situation of the schooner, on
board which however they were not aware the General
had embarked, immediately weighed her anchor, and
standing over to the American shore, under a slight
breeze which was then beginning to rise hastened to cover
the little bark with her battery. Taking her in tow she
brought her safely into the harbour of ( Fort) Erie, greatly to
the joy of those who, aware of the invaluable freight with '
which the schooner was charged, had, on the weighing of
the Queen Charlotte's anchor, entertained the utmost apprehension for the safety of the becalmed vessel, and
watched with deep interest the vain attempts of her crew
to bring her off.
EXPEDITION TO PORT WAYNE
The fall of Detroit having secured the tranquillity of
Amherstburg and its contiguous districts, an expedition
was projected into the interior of the enemy's country, the
object of which was the destruction of Fort Wayne, a
post distant several hundred miles, and serving as a depot
for stores, from which the various troops of the enemy,
pushed forward to the frontier, were supplied. The garrison, according to the intelligence received was closely
invested, by the Indians, and consisted merely of a few
hundred men, and a few pieces of cannon indifferently
mounted. Towards the close of September, a small detachment of troops, a howitzer, and two field pieces, under the command of Brevet Major Muir, were embarked
in boats, and proceeded across the lake to the Miami village, situated about fifteen miles beyond the entrance of
the river of the same name. Being there joined by the
body of Indians destined to form a part of the expedition, the detachment continued its route by land, and
along a tract of country bearing no mark of civilization
whatever. Our only covering was the canopy of Heaven
or rather the arches formed by the intermingling boughs
of the forest through which we moved, and not even the
wigwam of the savage arose to diversify the monotony of
the scene. The difficulty of conveying the guns by land
caused their transportation to be a work of much time ;
and the river from the point where we had disembarked,
was so extremely low as to render the progress of the
boats, following the sinuosities of its course, tedious to
the last degree. Having at length, after much toil,
93
EXPEDITION TO FORT WAYNE
AMERICAN SCOUTS BILLED BY INDIANS
gained that part of the Miami, where it was intended to
disembark th‘ stores, every obstacle appeared to be removed, and the capture of Fort Wayne, then at no great
distance, an event looked forward to with confidence.
Fate, however, had ordained otherwise. About nine
o'clock on the evening of our arrival, the shrill cry of
our scouts was heard echoing throughout the forest, and
soon afterwards seven Indians issued from the wood on
the opposite shore, and, leaping through the river,
reached our encampment with the scalps of several
Americans. The account they gave of their adventure
was to the following effect. At a distance of a few
leagues, while advancing cautiously along the road, they
observed a party, five in number, in a glen, and seated
round a large fire, where they were busily occupied in
preparing their food. After a slight consultation they
proceeded towards the group, and had approached within
a few paces before they were perceived by the Americans, who instantly flew to their arms, and assumed a
posture of defence. The Indians, however, held out
their hands in token of amity, and were suffered to enter
the circle. Here, pretending to be in the American interest, and describing themselves as hunters on their way
to one of their villages„ they succeeded in lulling the
suspicions of the officer, who, in return, communicated
to them that the party he commanded were scouts preceding the advanced guard of an army of 2,5oo men, then
on their march for the Miami village, and only distant a
few miles. This disclosure obtained, the Indians, satisfied that they had no time to lose, and throwing off the
mask, desired them to deliver up their arms. The astonished party thus entrapped, and unwilling to risk a contest with a superior force, consented to accompany them
as their prisoners, but positively refused to relinquish
their rifles. They all therefore proceeded in silence towards our encampment, three Indians on each flank of
their prisoners, and one in the rear. On the approach of
evening, the Americans were again desired to deliver up
their rifles, and on refusing to do so, at a signal given by
one of the Indians, the whole of his party dropped, one
by one, and apparently without premeditation, behind.
Each then selected his victim, and four of these unhappy
men fell to rise no more. The officer alone, slightly
wounded, made an ineffectual attempt to escape, but
closely pursued through the intricacies of the forest by
two of his foes, he was at length overtaken, and felled to
the earth by a blow from a tomahawk. This cruel scene
must have taken place at no great distance from our encampment, the shots having been distinctly heard about
half an hour before the appearance of the Indians, who,
on being questioned, excused their conduct, under the
plea of the Americans being nearly equal in numbers to
themselves, and obstinately refusing to deliver up their
arms—circumstances which rendered their destruction, at
the approach of evening, a measure of self-security—es
pecially so, as having been sent in advance four or five
days before, they were not aware of our being encamped
at so short a distance.
In consequence of the foregoing intelligence, all idea of
continuing the expedition against Fort Wayne was abandoned, and the boats were ordered the same evening to
descend the river. Major Muir having, however, resolved
to await the approach of the enemy, a position was taken
up early on the following morning on the heights overlooking the ford at which the Americans were expected
to cross. Having passed the whole of the day in the vain
expectation of his appearance, it was at length decided
on, that the enemy apprised of our vicinity by the view
of the bodies of their scouts slain the evening before, had
taken a different direction, and instead of traversing the
river at the usual ford, had forced their march by a less
frequented route on the opposite shore. Such a manoeuvre on the part of the American general would neces-
94
95
96
EXPEDITION TO FORT WAYNE
sarily have cut off our retreat, and we must have combated an enemy infinitely superior in numbers, under
every disadvantage, in the heart of his own country and,
in the event of our boats falling into his hands, destitute
of every resource. The detachment was consequently
ordered to retire on the old fort of Defiance, situated about
half way between the Miama village and the point from
whence we commenced our retreat, formerly garrisoned
by the British troops, during the celebrated Pontiac war,
so fatally waged against us by the confederated tribes of
Indians, but then in a state of utter ruin and dilapidation.
Having crossed the river at this place, a position was
again taken up at a point beyond which the enemy could
not effect his passage unperceived. Here, however, we
did not long remain. Early on the morning after our
arrival, a party of Indians appeared along our line, conducting a prisoner they had found straying in the woods,
at a short distance from the enemy's camp From his
account it appeared that the information given by the
American officer was perfectly correct. The force of the
enemy consisted of 2,500 men, under the command of General Winchester ; and were destined for the Miami, where
it was intended to construct a fortification. On arriving
at the spot where their slaughtered scouts lay unburied
along the road, an alarm was spread throughout their
columns, and 'deeming a numerous enemy to be in their
front, it was thought prudent to entrench themselves
where they were. For this purpose trees were immediately felled, and in the course of a few hours, with that
expedition for which the Western Americans, with whom
the axe is almost as indispensable a weapon as the rifle,
are remarkable, an enclosure with interstices for musquetry,
and sufficiently large to contain their whole force, together with their baggage and waggons, was completed.
It being evident from this intelligence, that the object of
our enterprise was entirely frustrated, and that an attack
MAJOR MUIR'S RETREAT
97
on the enemy's entrenchment with our feeble force, if
unsuccessful, must necessarily compromise the safety of our
own posts, Major Muir decided on returning to Amherstburg, which fortress the detachment at length reached after
a fruitless absence of three weeks.
Although little or no mention has ever been made of our
retreat from Fort Wayne, before so overwhelming a force
as that which we so unexpectedly encountered, and by
which we ought to have been annihilated, the utmost
praise is due to Major Muir for having accomplished it,
not only without the loss of a man of his detachment,
but even without the abandonment of any of his guns or
stores, which, as has already been stated, were being
transported with great toil and difficulty. Every thing
was brought off, and at no one moment was our march
precipitate. Indeed, of the bold front assumed by the
detachment, some idea may be formed from the following
brief accounts which appeared in the American papers,
even during the time we were retiring upon Amherstburg.
Chillicothe, Oct. 6th, 1812.
Col. James Dunlop, who returned last evening from
St. Mary's, reports that an express arrived from that
place to General Harrison from General Winchester,
urging him to repair immediately to Fort Defiance. That
Harrison marched with all expedition at the head, of
2,500 or 3,000 mounted rifles. The express stated that
General Winchester was at or near Fort Defiance, with
about 3,000 Ohio and Kentucky volunteers, and that a
body of Indians and British amounting to 2,000 or 3,000
with six pieces of Artillery, lay encamped about three
miles from him. Winchester was hourly expecting an
attack.
Chillicothe, October 7th, 1812 .
The vanguard of the North Western army, under
General Winchester, arrived some days ago at Isidonia
from Fort Defiance. It was composed of Payne's. Brigade of Kentucky Volunteers, Gerrard's troop of Dragoons, and about 400 of the 17th Regiment of regulars.
98
AMERICAN ACCOUNTS
EXPEDITION TO FORT WAYNE
They advanced to within three miles of Fort Defiance
(on which we had retired) and there found 3 , 000 British
and Indians with six pieces of artillery who had fortified
themselves in the Fort. Winchester also fortified his
camp and waited for reinforcements.
Now as I was on this, as well as every other expedition undertaken by the Right Division, during its military existence, I can, from my own personal knowledge,
aver that there were not more than 15o regular troops of
every description, (principally the 41st) and the same
number of militia, composing the detachment under
Major Muir, on this occasion. My impression—and it is a
very strong one—is that it did not exceed two-thirds of
that number, but as, unfortunately, all official papers
connected with the Regiment were lost at the Moraviantown, it has been utterly impossible to ascertain the cor- •
rect embarkation return of the troops employed on this,
as well as on various other similar occasions. If I admit
300 men, I do so, not from a belief that there was so
many, but from an apprehension of underrating our
actual strength. Our Indian force did not exceed 500
men, and our artillery, as has been stated, consisted of
one small howitzer—(the calibre I forget) – and two
three-pounders. We did not fortify ourselves in Fort
Defiance, but occupied it one day, during the greater part
of which we continued on the skirt of the surrounding
wood, provoking the enemy to attack us, by the occasional advance and retreat of the Indians Three days,
at different periods, during the time it took us to retire,
covering our guns and stores, we halted and formed, in
order to give the enemy time to come up, and of the position we had assumed on the very last day, after crossing the Miami at the ford near the Rapids, some idea
may be formed, from the following extracts from a report from General Tupper, who commanded the Kentucky riflemen of General Winchester's Division.
99
General Tupper to General Harrison,
Urbana, Oct. 12th, 1812.
SIR, —On receiving your order of the 4th inst., to
proceed to the Rapids, with the whole force of mounted
men under my command, whose horses were in a condition to perform the service ; I caused an examination
to be immediately had, and found that there still remained
96o men, including officers, in a condition to march,
including also Captain Bacon's and one other company
which left us the morning following.
*
*
*
*
*
*
I ordered returns to be made so that each man should
be furnished with 12 rounds ; this return amounted to
4,500 cartridges for the musket men, exclusive of Major
Roper's battalion ; the ammunition of the riflemen having
received very little damage. Quarter-Master Bassay
called on the Quarter-Master in General Winchester's
camp, and returned without a supply. About one o'clock
this day, a man belonging to Captain Manary's company
of Rangers, was killed and scalped across the Miami, within
two hundred yards of our camp. I gave immediate orders
to arm, and in five minutes, to horse, but owing to our
being compelled to confine our horses during the night,
and graze them by day, for want of forage, the greater
part, at this moment, were under keepers, nearly one
mile from camp up the Auglaise. In the meantime I
permitted Major Brush to cross over with about 5o foot,
to examine the bank, and see in what direction the
Indians had retired, but before he reached the opposite
shore, every horseman whose horse was in camp, was
mounted to follow over. It was in vain that I made an
attempt to keep them back, till they were formed—they
broke off in numbers from 20 to 3o, mostly without their
officers and crossed the woods in every direction ; a party
of 15 fell upon the trail of the Indians, and at 7 or 8 miles
distance, overtook them, but finding them halted and
formed, our men, without waiting for a discharge from
the enemy, returned to camp.
*
*
*
*
*
*
When it was found that General Winchester had suspended me in the command, the whole force from Ohio
broke off, crossed the Auglaise, and refused to march as
directed by General Winchester.
With the then remaining force I proceeded to this
100
EXPEDITION TO FORT WAYNE
place, where I directed Col. Findlay and Major Roper to
discharge such men as had continued to their duty.
Thus, Sir, has terminated an expedition, at one time
capable of tearing the British flag from the walls of
Detroit, wherein our troops might have returned, with
the pleasing reflection of having done their country an
essential service.
It is a duty, Sir, I owe to the officers of the Kentucky
force, to Colonel Findlay and the officers of the first
Battalion, to say that they were zealous in pressing
forward the expedition ; while the officers of the second
Battalion, commanded by Major Taylor, with a few
exceptions, were shrinking from their duty, and shamefully deserting the cause of their country.
The detachment of Colonel Simral's Regiment from
our force, stands prominent among the causes of our
failure ; already was there panic in some parts of our
camp ; the enemy that had retired at General Winchester's approach, had been greatly magnified. The
day succeeding the alarm, he drew in one wing of his
lines, and strengthened his camp with a breastwork—
even this circumstance was noticed and urged as an
evidence that he apprehended a force superior to his own.
Thus, when imaginary obstacles unite with those that
are real, to oppose the movements of a force so insubordinate, as that every man's will is his law, little can be
expected by the officers, but a plentiful harvest of mortification and disgrace.
At the period of this expedition, to my young and unpractised military eye, the movements of our little force
had appeared scarcely worthy of remark, because we had
had no actual fighting, but, of later years, and particularly after having had access to the American accounts of
our retreat, my impression of its extreme military tact
and judiciousness has been greatly increased. In truth
it is the only affair during the whole of the War of 1812, in
which anything approaching to manoeuvre was displayed,
for the simple reason that no other opportunity had ever
been afforded. Here however was a ten days' retreat, conducted by the leader of a handful of men, before a vastly
superior force of the enemy, to whom battle had been
INDIAN ADOPTION OF A PRISONER
IOI
offered on three several occasions during that period, and
that in a manner to reflect a credit upon the gallant
Major Muir, which should not be lost sight of by the
future historian of this country.
James, in his History of the War, despatches the subject of Fort Wayne in a very summary manner. He
states that it was contemplated to send an expedition
against it, but that the idea was abandoned in consequence of General Brock having communicated to Colonel Procter at Amherstburg, information of the armistice which had been concluded with General Dearborn,
by Sir George Prevost, expressing at the same time a desire, that although the armistice did not extend to General Hull's recent command, the Indians should be restrained as much as possible, from the commission of any
act of hostility. Now, not only, as it is seen, was the
idea not abandoned, but the expedition had penetrated a
greater distance (nearly two hundred miles) into the
enemy's country, and were longer absent from the garrison, than any other that subsequently left the harbor of
Amherstburg.
A day or two before our return from this long and
tedious expedition, we saw the prisoner who had been
taken by the Indians, soon after we commenced our retrograde movement. He had been with the person alluded to in General Tupper's report to General Harrison,
as having been killed and scalped within two hundred
yards of their encampment, and to avenge whose death
the Kentucky mounted riflemen had evinced so much
fruitless alacrity. The captive was already adopted in
that tribe of Indians, to which his captors belonged, and
was habited after their manner. His head was partly
shaved, and covered with a handkerchief, rolled in the
form of a turban. His face was painted several colors,
and so complete was the metamorphosis, that but for the
whiteness of skin visible through several parts of his
dress, it would have been difficult to distinguish him from
,
IO2 EXPEDITION TO FORT WAYNE,
those by whom he was surrounded. At the moment we
saw him, he was seated in a tent, sharing the evening
meal of his new countrymen, with much appetite and unconcern. He expressed himself as being quite reconciled
to his new condition, and spoke with warmth of the kind
treatment he had received ; nor did he seem to attach
much consequence to the assurance given him that every
exertion would be made on our return to obtain his liberation. We saw him some weeks later at Amherstburg;
and strange as it may appear, he assured us that he preferred the idle life he had led among the Indians, to a repetition of active service in the American army.
About this period Mr. Robert Dickson arrived at
Amherstburg with a number of canoes, filled with warriors of the fiercest character and appearance. Among
the most remarkable of these tribes were the Sawkies,I a
race of men, whose towering height, athletic forms, and
nobleness of feature, might recall the idea of the Romans
in the earlier stages of their barbarity ; and another tribe
whose Indian name I do not recollect, but who were known
among ourselves by their assumed appellation of devoted
men. The costume of the latter was a dress of white
leather, extremely pliant, and curiously embroidered with
the stained quills of the porcupine, in the preparation of
which the natives evince much taste and ingenuity. They
were few in number, and, professing to hold death in
derision, were looked upon by the other warriors much in
the same light that we regard our forlorn hope, the post
of danger being reserved for them. One of their chiefs
having been invited to breakfast with several officers of
the garrison, was at much pains, in the course of the
meal, to impress upon the minds of his hosts the particular virtues of his tribe; and in order to demonstrate more
fully the extent to which they carried their disregard of
pain or death, drew a sharp knife from its sheath,
Sacs or Sauks from the vicinity of the Sac River, Missouri.
DIFFICULT DUTIES OF THE 41ST REGIMENT 103
and, having cut a piece of flesh out of one of his thighs,
threw it contemptuously away, exclaiming that " he gave
it to the dogs."
The arrival of this reinforcement increased our Indian
force to about three thousand warriors. The small detachment of the 41st Regiment not 30o strong, and a
company of the Newfoundland Fencibles, composed the
whole of our regular force. The latter were, however,
employed as Marines on board the different vessels of
war, so that the defence of the two fortresses of Detroit
and Amherstburg was entrusted to the 41st alone.
Major Muir's report of the Expedition to Fort Wayne is given in
the appendix.
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Chapter 2